Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 6 (of 8): The United States of North America, Part I
History
Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 6 (of 8): The United States of North America, Part I
America -- Discovery and exploration; America -- History; United States -- History
When the news of the Boston Massacre reached England late in April,
1770, it recalled attention to American affairs, which, after the
defeat of Trecothic's motion, seemed to have been laid aside for the
remainder of the session. Trecothic called for the papers.[118] While
waiting for them, Governor Pownall made a speech on the "powers of
government [which] the crown can and ought to grant to the dependencies
of the realm; what form and power of government the British subject
in those parts ought to be governed by; what powers are granted,
both civil and military; and what arrangements, and means taken, for
administering and executing these powers."[119] Burke, in the second of
eight resolutions, affirmed "that a principal cause of the disorders
which have prevailed in North America hath arisen from the ill-judged
and inconsistent instructions given, from time to time, by persons in
administration, to the governors of some of the provinces of North
America."[120] Later, the same resolutions were brought forward in
the House of Lords by the Duke of Richmond. But Burke was not acting
in good faith. A close observer wrote at the time: "It is plain
enough that these motions were not made for the sake of the colonies,
but merely to serve the purposes of the opposition, to render the
ministry, if possible, more odious, so that they may themselves come
into the conduct of affairs, while it remains very doubtful whether
they would do much better, if at all, than their predecessors."[121]
This resulted well for the colonies, and, in the long run, for the
progress of liberal ideas in both countries. But to those who wished
for the continuance of the British connection, and believed in its
practicability, it must have been a matter for profound regret that
the liberal leaders, from Chatham to Fox, simply found fault with the
acts of the ministry, and proposed nothing instead. The ministry,
conciliatory to-day and severe to-morrow, had no fixed policy. American
affairs gave way to the exigencies of a general election, just as
we have lately seen in this country, great interests jeopardized by
the unwillingness of both political parties to treat them on the
eve of a presidential election. If, instead of this vacillating
and inconsistent policy, both parties had given their attention to
devising some rational system of colonial administration, as proposed
by Pownall,[122] leaving local affairs to the colonists, but placing
imperial affairs under a permanent board, not changeable with every
ministry, the colonies and the mother-country might have remained
united, perhaps for a generation, longer.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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