Of course, to make his conduct square with these various utterances,
Cromwell would have had to strive for precisely such a government as
Washington was able to inaugurate a century and a half later; a
government in which there should be complete religious toleration, in
which all differences of rank and title should be abolished, and in
which the basis of representation in Parliament would have to approach
more or less closely to manhood suffrage. Doubtless, there were times
when Cromwell ardently wished for such a Government; but it was wholly
out of the question to realize it in the middle of the seventeenth
century, even in England. Generations had to pass before men could grasp
the true principles of religious toleration and political equality in
all their bearings; and, like every other man who actually works out
great reforms, who actually does signal service in the world, Cromwell
had to face facts as they were, and not as bodies of extremists—no
matter how good—thought they ought to be.
The best and most high-minded of the Puritan party were now growing to
fear lest the Presbyterians should try to perpetuate the old religious
oppression under a new name. Milton—with but one exception the greatest
poet of the English tongue, a man whose political and social ideas were
at least two centuries in advance of his time, but who had the good
sense to accept, no matter with what heart-burning, the best possible
when he could not get the best—Milton expressed the convictions of his
whole party when he said that if “Presbyter was but Priest writ large”
the people were no better off than before.
The army began to show openly its spirit of fierce unrest. A very
considerable portion avowed extreme republican theories. The Levellers,
as they were called, were looked upon in that day, even by advocates of
freedom like Cromwell, with great distrust, although the principles they
advocated—such as manhood suffrage—are now the commonplaces of American
politics. Of course, then they were not commonplaces; they were
revolutionary ideas, for the reception of which the mind of the English
people was not ready, and therefore it was the duty of men who sought
practical reform to refuse to put these schemes into operation.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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