Ireland -- Politics and government -- 1901-1910; Land tenure -- Ireland
Its administration, too, up to this has not
been successful; it has allowed the United Irish League to grow up and to
gain strength, with far-spreading evil results; its conduct of Irish
affairs has been weak and empirical, and notably marked by false
optimistic fancies. Of late there has been improvement in this respect; we
can only hope it will not be abortive.
'In this gigantic body,' Macaulay exclaimed fifty-seven years ago, 'there
is one vulnerable part near the heart.'[18] The Empire has expanded into
ampler proportions than those described by the orator; its subject kings,
dominations, princedoms, powers, above all, its myriads of many races and
tongues, are united by far more durable ties than those which held it
together in a generation that has passed away. Four years ago, Canada sent
messengers from her great lakes, Hindustan representatives of her ancient
dynasties, the great island continent envoys from her free nations, to do
homage to Queen Victoria; the pageant, gathered 'within London's streaming
roar,' was a magnificent spectacle of world-wide loyalty. England has seen
another and a still more wonderful sight; the martial sons of our great
self-governing colonies have flocked in thousands to do battle in her
cause, in the distant and ill-known wastes of South Africa; in a long,
bloody, and sometimes disastrous conflict, they have proved themselves to
be worthy companions in arms of the offspring of the soldiery of Blenheim
and Waterloo; they have fought and bled for England as if she was their
common country. But Ireland, as regards the mass of the people, has, on
both occasions, stood sullenly aloof; her heart has gone out in sympathy
with the Boers; she remains, for the most part, hostile to our rule and
disloyal. It is mere foolishness to shut our eyes to plain facts; still
more so to join in the false paeans of interested partisans, and ignorant
scribblers, who announce that because Ireland is, on the surface,
comparatively at peace, she is in every sense a contented or a happy land,
free from grave elements of political and social danger. She is still the
'vulnerable part at the heart of the Empire;' the spectre at the great
national festival; the warning token, as in the case of the Oriental
despot, that human grandeur and power are, in the nature of things,
mortal. She is still, as she was in the day of Spenser, a malign influence
across the path of our greatness, a riddle difficult to understand and
interpret; the many problems she still presents to the statesman are
perplexing in the extreme, and await solution. That any policy will
suddenly remove the many evils apparent in her organic structure is a
delusion a rational mind rejects; the deep-seated ills in that distempered
frame may never be completely and finally cured. Something effectual,
nevertheless, may, I think, be done; I proceed to examine, in the
following chapters, the 'Present Irish Questions' that confront our
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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