Readings in Money and Banking: Selected and AdaptedPhillips, Chester Arthur
General
Readings in Money and Banking: Selected and Adapted
Phillips, Chester Arthur
Banks and banking; Banks and banking -- United States; Money
This resolution of 1865, however, marked the climax of the movement.
Never thereafter did the policy of retiring the legal-tender notes even
approach success. The truth is, that the inflated prices had begun
already, during the three months after the resolution of December, to
recede. This was inevitable, from the very nature of the previous
expansion; and it was a welcome movement to consumers. But it
necessarily caused some derangement in the plans of trade, and
politicians began to ask, when they had to face the fulfilment of their
pledge through a formal act of Congress, how the contraction policy
would be greeted by producers. The bill, as originally introduced,
granted full powers to the Secretary of the Treasury to issue new bonds
for the retirement both of interest-bearing and of noninterest-bearing
debt. In the spring of 1866 this measure was defeated in the House of
Representatives by a vote of 70 to 64. Reconsidered and amended so as to
restrict contraction of the legal tenders to $10,000,000 in the first
six months and to $4,000,000 per month thereafter, the compromise
measure did indeed pass the House by 83 to 53, and the Senate by 32 to
7. But a victory thus won was ominous. Mr. McCulloch himself declared
the amended act to be awkward and ineffective. Still more significant
was the character of opposition developed in the course of the debate.
It had a dozen varying grounds of argument, most of them pretty certain
to appeal to popular prejudice later on. Some Congressmen objected to
the discretionary powers as revolutionary, and, while conceding Mr.
McCulloch's ability and conservatism, pointed out that a very different
Treasury Secretary might succeed him. Others pronounced the notion of
immediate resumption of specie payments to be "Utopian in the extreme."
Much was heard of the comfortable theory that if Congress would "allow
things to go on without active interference," the "natural development
of events" would automatically bring about resumption. More than one
legislator could not understand, "when we have $450,000,000 [debt]
bearing no interest, and which need bear no interest, why it is to be
taken up and put into bonds." The excellence of a circulating medium
"that rests on the property of the whole country, and has for its
security the faith and patriotism of the greatest and freest country on
the face of the globe," played its usual part in the discussion; so did
the argument that "the amount of legal tenders now outstanding is not
too much for the present condition of the country." In short, all the
arguments which have been made familiar by the twenty subsequent years
of controversy, cut a figure in this opening discussion.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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