Slavery and four years of war : $b a political history of slavery in the United States, together with a narrative of the campaigns and battles of the Civil War in which the author took part, 1861-1865. Vols. 1-2Keifer, Joseph Warren
History
Slavery and four years of war : $b a political history of slavery in the United States, together with a narrative of the campaigns and battles of the Civil War in which the author took part, 1861-1865. Vols. 1-2
Keifer, Joseph Warren
Slavery -- United States; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Campaigns
Pretence for quarrel arose over the boundary between Texas and
Mexico. The United States unjustly claimed that the Rio Grande
was the southwestern boundary of Texas instead of the Nueces, as
Mexico maintained. Mexico was invaded, her cities, including her
ancient capital, were taken, and her badly-organized armies
overthrown. Congress, by an Act of May 13, 1846, declared that
"by the act of the Republic of Mexico a state of war existed between
that government and the United States," and it virtually ended in
September, 1847, though the final treaty of peace at Guadalupe
Hidalgo was not signed until February 2, 1848. While the annexation
of Texas was regarded by Mexico as a cause of war, yet she did not
declare war on that ground.
The principle of "manifest destiny" was proclaimed for the United
States. In the prosecution of the war, with shameless effrontery
it was justified on the necessity that "_we want room_" for the
two hundred millions of inhabitants soon to be under our flag.
Answering this cry, put up by Senator Cass of Michigan, Senator
Thomas Corwin, in a spirit of prophecy, said:
"But you still say you want _room_ for your people. This has been
the plea of every robber-chief from Nimrod to the present hour.
I dare say, when Tamerlane descended from his throne, built of
seventy thousand human skulls, and marched his ferocious battalions
to further slaughter,--I dare say he said, 'I want room.' Alexander,
too, the mighty 'Macedonian Madman,' when he wandered with his
Greeks to the plains of India, and fought a bloody battle on the
very ground where recently England and the Sikhs engaged in a strife
for 'room' . . . Sir, he made quite as much of that sort of history
as you ever will. Mr. President, do you remember the last chapter
in that history? It is soon read. Oh! I wish we could understand
its moral. Ammon's son (so was Alexander named), after all his
victories, died drunk in Babylon. The vast empire he conquered to
'get room' became the prey of the generals he trained; it was
desparted, torn to pieces, and so ended. Sir, there is a very
significant appendix; it is this: The descendants of the Greeks--
of Alexander's Greeks--are now governed by a descendant of Attilla."
Through the greed of the slave power Texas was acquired, and they
still longed for more slave territory, and weak Mexico alone could
be depleted to obtain it.
Southern California and New Mexico had a sufficiently warm climate
for slavery to flourish in.
The war was far from popular, though the pride of national patriotism
supported it. Clay and Webster each opposed it, and each gave a
son to it.(57)
Abraham Lincoln, then for a single term in Congress, spoke against
it, but, like most other members holding similar views, voted men,
money, and supplies to carry it on.
Senator Benton of Missouri, a party friend to the administration
of Polk and favoring the war, said:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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