Slavery and four years of war : $b a political history of slavery in the United States, together with a narrative of the campaigns and battles of the Civil War in which the author took part, 1861-1865. Vols. 1-2Keifer, Joseph Warren
History
Slavery and four years of war : $b a political history of slavery in the United States, together with a narrative of the campaigns and battles of the Civil War in which the author took part, 1861-1865. Vols. 1-2
Keifer, Joseph Warren
Slavery -- United States; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Campaigns
Recommending specially that territorial governments for New Mexico
and Utah should be formed, leaving them to settle the question of
slavery for themselves, President Taylor, in his Message, said
further:
"I repeat the solemn warning of the first and most illustrious of
my predecessors against furnishing any ground for characterizing
parties by geographical discriminations."
Alluding to these passages, Calhoun, in his last speech, said:
"It (the Union) cannot, then, be saved by eulogies on it, however
splendid or numerous. The cry of 'Union, Union, the glorious
Union,' can no more prevent _disunion_ than the cry of 'Health,
Health, glorious Health,' on the part of the physician can save
a patient from dying that is lying dangerously ill."
To the allusion of the President to Washington, Calhoun sneeringly
said:
"There was nothing in _his_ history to deter us from seceding from
the Union should it fail to fulfil the objects for which it was
instituted."
The prime objects for which the Union was formed, were, as he
contended, the preservation, perpetuation, and extension of the
institution of human slavery. In the antithesis of this speech he
asked and answered:
"How can the Union be saved?
"To provide for the insertion of a provision in the Constitution,
by an amendment which will restore to the South in substance the
power she possessed of protecting herself before the equilibrium
between the sections was destroyed by the action of this
government."
The speech did not state what, exactly, this amendment was to be,
but it transpired that it was to provide for the election of _two_
Presidents, one from the free and one from the slave States, each
to approve all acts of Congress before they became laws.
Of this device, Senator Benton said:
"No such double-headed government could work through even one
session of Congress, any more than two animals could work together
in the plough with their heads yoked in opposite directions."(69)
In the same month (March 31, 1850) the great political gladiator
and pro-slavery agitator and originator and disseminator of disunion
doctrines was dead;(70) but there were others to uphold and carry
forward his work to its fatal ending.
Calhoun was early accounted a sincere and honest man, a patriot of
moderate views, and at one time was much esteemed North as well as
South. It is believed than an unfortunate quarrel with President
Jackson dashed his hopes of reaching the Presidency, and so embittered
him that he became the champion, first of nullification, then of
disunion.
There is not room here to speak in detail of the other champions
of the great debate on the Clay resolutions.
On the 18th of April these resolutions, and others of like import,
were referred to a committee of thirteen, with Clay as its chairman.
This was Clay's last triumph, and he accepted it with the greatest
joy, though then in ill health and fast approaching the grave.(71)
Of his joy, Benton, in a speech at the time, said:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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