Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age, Vol. 1 of 3: I. Prolegomena II. Achæis; or, the Ethnology of the Greek RacesGladstone, W. E. (William Ewart)
History
Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age, Vol. 1 of 3: I. Prolegomena II. Achæis; or, the Ethnology of the Greek Races
Gladstone, W. E. (William Ewart)
Civilization, Homeric; Epic poetry, Greek -- History and criticism; Homer
1. Heraclides Ponticus, a pupil of Plato, in a fragment περὶ πολιτειῶν,
declares that Lycurgus was the first to bring the poetry of Homer
into Peloponnesus: τὴν Ὁμήρου ποίησιν, παρὰ τῶν ἀπογόνων Κρεοφύλου
λαβὼν, πρῶτος διεκόμισεν εἰς Πελοπόννησον. This testimony is late
with reference to the fact it reports, but not late in the history
of Greek literature. Of the source from which it was derived by the
author who gives it us, we know nothing. No light is thrown upon it by
Ælian,[50] who adds the epithet ἀθρόαν to ποίησιν. Plutarch enlarges
the expression of the tradition, but seems to add little to its matter,
except that some portions of Homer were known before Lycurgus brought
the whole from Crete.[51] It is stated in the Republic of Plato,[52]
that Creophylus was a companion of Homer. Strabo[53] informs us that
he was a Samian; and Hermodamas, the master of Pythagoras, is said
by Diogenes Laertius[54] to have been his descendant. Now, we cannot
call any part of these statements history; but they exhibit a body
of tradition, of which the members, drawn from scattered quarters,
agree with one another, and agree also with the general probability
that arises out of a fact so astonishing as is in itself the actual
preservation of the poems of Homer. It is in truth this fact that
lays the best ground for traditions such as the one in question. If
they came before us artificially complete and embellished, that might
be made a ground of suspicion. But appearing, as this one does, with
an evident absence of design, there is every presumption of its truth.
Before considering the full force which attaches to it if it be true,
we will draw out the kindred traditions.
2. Of these, the next, and a most important one, is the statement of
Herodotus respecting Clisthenes, the ruler of Sicyon, who, when he
had been at war with Argos, ῥαψῳδοὺς ἔπαυσε ἐν Σικυῶνι ἀγωνίζεσθαι,
τῶν Ὁμηρείων ἐπέων εἵνεκα, ὅτι Ἀργεῖοί τε καὶ Ἄργος τὰ πολλὰ πάντα
ὑμνέαται[55]. He proceeds to say, that Clisthenes sought to banish the
memory of Adrastus, as being an Argive hero, from Sicyon. It is not
necessary to inquire what these Homeric poems may have included; but
the conclusion of Grote, that they were ‘the Thebais and the Epigoni,
not the Iliad[56],’ seems to me incredible. Nor is it correct that
the Iliad fails to supply matter to which the statement may refer. In
the Iliad, the name of Argos, though meaning it is true the country
rather than a city, is nearly associated with the chief seat of power,
and becomes representative of the whole Hellenic race in its heroic
infancy. This is surely honour infinitely higher, than any local fame
it could derive from the civil feud with Thebes. The Iliad, too, marks
most clearly the connexion of Adrastus with Argos--for it names Diomed
as the husband of his daughter or granddaughter, Ægialea[57]; it also
marks the subordinate position of Sicyon,
ὅθ’ ἄρ’ Ἄδρηστος πρῶτ’ ἐμβασίλευεν[58],
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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