Superstition and Force: Essays on the Wager of Law, the Wager of Battle, the Ordeal, TortureLea, Henry Charles
History
Superstition and Force: Essays on the Wager of Law, the Wager of Battle, the Ordeal, Torture
Lea, Henry Charles
Ordeal; Torture; Wager of battle; Wager of law
It is true that Tacitus makes no allusion to such a custom among the
Germans of his time, a passage which is frequently quoted to that
effect being in reality only a description of a mode of divination
in which, at the beginning of a war, one of the enemy was captured
and made to fight with a chosen champion, the result of the combat
being taken to foreshadow the event of the contest.[306] The object of
Tacitus, however, was not to excite the curiosity of his countrymen,
but rather to contrast their vices with the uncivilized virtues of
the Germans, and his silence on this point is not a negative evidence
of weight in comparison with the positive proofs which exist with
regard to kindred tribes. Be this as it may, as soon as we obtain an
insight into their customs from written laws, we find the wager of
battle everywhere recognized. The earliest of these is the code of the
Burgundians, collected by King Gundobald towards the close of the fifth
century, and in this the duel occupies a place so conspicuous that it
obtained in time the name of Lex Gundebalda or Loy Gombette, giving
rise to a belief that it was of Burgundian origin.
In the ordinary texts of the Salic law no mention is made of it, but in
one manuscript it is alluded to as a regular form of procedure.[307]
This silence, however, does not justify the conclusion that the battle
ordeal was not practised among the Franks. Enough instances of it are
to be found in their early history to show that it was by no means
uncommon;[308] and, at a later period, the same absence of reference
to it is observable in the Lex Emendata of Charlemagne, though the
capitularies of that monarch frequently allude to it as a legal process
in general use. The off-shoots of the Salic law, the Ripuarian,
Allemannic, and Bavarian codes—which were compiled by Thierry, the
son of Clovis, revised successively by Childebert and Clotair II.,
and put into final shape by Dagobert I. about the year 630—in their
frequent reference to the “campus,” show how thoroughly it pervaded
the entire system of Germanic jurisprudence. The Lombards were, if
possible, even more addicted to its use. Their earliest laws, compiled
by King Rotharis in 643, seventy-six years after their occupation of
Italy, make constant allusion to it, and their readiness to refer to
its decision the most conspicuous cases is shown in the story of Queen
Gundeberga, the wife of Ariovaldus, who was the immediate predecessor
of Rotharis. Adalulf, a disappointed lover, brought against her a
charge of conspiracy which induced Ariovaldus to cast her in prison,
where she lay for three years, until Clotair the Great, to whom she
was of kindred, sent an embassy to obtain her release. Diplomacy was
of no avail, and all that the Frankish envoys could accomplish was to
secure for her a trial by single combat, in which a champion named
Pitto overcame Adalulf the accuser, and Gundeberga was restored to the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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