Talleyrand-Périgord, Charles Maurice de, prince de Bénévent, 1754-1838
His diocese, as we can imagine, did not regard this new kind of
distinction with satisfaction. At the beginning of the year he had
sent them his greeting, and they had responded. But during the stormy
debates of February, on the suppression of the monastic orders and
the civil constitution of the clergy, they looked in vain for the
name of their Bishop. Talleyrand took no part in the struggle. He saw
the suppression of monasteries decreed on February 13th—and Capuchin
monks rush to be shaved as soon as the report came, while others
rushed to less respectable establishments without waiting to cast off
their habits. He gave no assistance to the religious speakers of April
12-13th who tried to induce the Assembly to make a formal declaration
that the Catholic Church was the Church of the nation, and he refused
to sign their subsequent protest. Then his clergy reminded him of his
office. No doubt, they said, with some irony, he had only abstained in
the idea of making a more solemn protest at the head of his clergy.
They had signed a protest and forwarded it to him to head the list
of signatures and present to the Assembly. He sent a conciliatory
reply, pointing out that it was unwise to ask a political body to
meddle with religion: the Catholic faith _was_ the religion of the
nation. His people were divided on the receipt of this letter, but one
of his Vicars-General made a vehement attack on him, and the local
pamphleteers entertained each other for a time. Talleyrand’s policy was
really clear enough. He believed that religion was wholly necessary for
the people, and had no thought of impairing its action. But he knew
that there were grave abuses to be suppressed, and he was content to
watch, in the interest of the nation and of justice, while the State
took over control of the Church. Twice he intervened with dignity and
courage for justice to the clergy; once on June 13th, when he reminded
the Assembly of its promise to treat the despoiled clergy as the first
creditors of the State, and again on September 24th. Dillon afterwards
claimed that he and the majority of his colleagues acted “as true
gentlemen,” but would hardly claim religious motives. Talleyrand could
say as much.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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