Ten Englishmen of the Nineteenth CenturyJoy, James Richard
History
Ten Englishmen of the Nineteenth Century
Joy, James Richard
England -- Biography
The death of George IV. (June 26, 1830) made way for his brother,
William IV., and made necessary a general parliamentary election.
The summer had seen a liberal revolution in Paris. The Bourbons
had been thrust out and Louis Philippe had been accepted as the
citizen-king of the French, governing under a liberal
constitution. This revolution, and simultaneous movements
throughout western Europe, touched an answering chord in the
breasts of Englishmen, and the Tories found themselves in a
minority when the new Parliament assembled in November. The Duke
of Wellington was Prime Minister, the last man from whom the
popular cause could expect to receive any concessions. At the
opening of the session the premier took occasion to declare his
disbelief "that the state of representation could be improved or
be rendered more satisfactory to the country at large than at the
present moment." "I am fully convinced," he said, "that the
country possesses a legislature which answers all the good
purposes of legislation, and this to a greater degree than any
legislature has answered in any other country whatever." He
flatly declared his determined opposition to any measure of
reform. Within a fortnight his government met its Waterloo and he
resigned.
Earl Gray, the Whig premier who succeeded Wellington, came into
office fully resolved to pass a Reform Bill. The responsibility
of drafting the measure was intrusted to a young Whig commoner,
Lord John Russell, a younger son of the Duke of Bedford, and a
scion of one of the great Whig houses. Lord John Russell had
entered Parliament in 1813, at the age of twenty-one, for one of
the family boroughs. He was now in his thirty-seventh year, and
his parliamentary career, if not brilliant for oratory, had at
least been marked by intelligent devotion to high ideals. In
1819, before the echoes of Peterloo had died away, he had asked
Parliament to disfranchise all boroughs of proved corruption, and
transfer their representation to more deserving constituencies. A
little later he proved to the House the corruption existing at
Gram-pound, and secured the disfranchisement of that borough and
the transfer of its voting rights to the great county of York.
This was but a small step, but it opened the way to tremendous
changes. He was determined, he said, to strip "the dead bones of
a former state of England" of their political influence and give
it to the "living energy of England of the nineteenth century,
with its steam engines and its factories, its cotton and woolen
cloths, its cutlery and its coal mines, its wealth and its
intelligence." Session after session he returned to this text
only to be as often defeated by the Tories. He was more
successful in 1828 when he carried the repeal of the Test and
Corporation Acts, relics of a bygone age when it was thought
necessary to the safety of the nation to exclude from military or
civil office all persons who did not take the communion in
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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