Justice and safety to the republic demand that men shall _not be born
as rulers, nor born as serfs_. The serf is the person who is born in
poverty, with no right to a standing place, and whom society has left
to the education of the street or of the coal mine, growing up without
knowledge, without industrial skill--knowing nothing but to sell
unskilled labor in a market crowded by a million others like himself
or herself, and thus forced into that wretched life seen in all the
great cities of America and Europe, the description of which is enough
to make us cry out in despair, How long, O Lord, how long? Wherein
does this white slavery differ from African slavery, except that the
master cares nothing for the slave, is not bound by self-interest to
take care of him, and cannot flog him though he can punish him in
other ways, and on shipboard he can flog him also, and the horrors of
nautical brutality have not even produced a society for its abolition?
Such is the serf, which our democracy allows its citizens to
become,--men to whom the right of suffrage sometimes seems a worthless
rag which they would gladly sell,--men on whose weak shoulders the
republic cannot stand.
To abolish that class, every boy and girl should be guaranteed a solid
intellectual and industrial education, making a permanent guarantee
against pauperism and serfdom, a permanent guarantee that women shall
not be enslaved by lust, but shall be enabled to rear an offspring of
manly citizens. These are the most important things that a true
nationalism should accomplish at present, and mainly by the gospel of
industrial education, which the writer has long been urging with all
his power.
Public sentiment has advanced so far on this question, that there will
be very little opposition to abolishing the serf by industrial
education; out with all our industrial education, our disorganized
competition makes employment terribly uncertain, and impoverishes the
industrious by enforced idleness, because there is no science, no
social system to regulate the demand and supply of labor in different
pursuits.
Hence, until we can do better, there must be at all times a vast
number of idle men walking about in search of work, losing all their
savings in times of enforced idleness, their days of gloom and
despair.
They are our brothers, and we cannot say with Cain, "Am I my brother's
keeper?" _We are_ our brothers' keepers, for they are partners in this
republic, and brothers in the family of God, and they help to make the
social atmosphere in which we live, and they help the republic to sink
or swim. We simply cannot afford to deny our brotherhood, and if we do
we are the devil's own fools.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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