There is no obstructive limit to the achievements of the army of
labor. Aside from agriculture and manufactures, there are roads to be
built, buildings to be erected, improvements of many kinds, and there
are about a thousand million acres of arid land, needing irrigation,
the necessary works for which could employ more than would probably
apply, for the wages should not be such as to attract men from
profitable employments. The army of labor may not at first be wisely
managed, but anything is better than the vast national losses by
_enforced idleness_. It is not extravagant to anticipate an _ultimate_
governmental administration of railroads, mines, manufactures, and
government farms that may employ many hundred thousands. There is no
apparent hindrance to the extension of the Department of Productive
Labor until it shall embrace all who desire the comfort and security
it gives, while those who prefer the strife of competition can remain
outside of the experiment, and thus the governmental and the
individual systems be fairly tried in competition with each other.
Thus far no formidable difficulty appears in abolishing pauperism, but
we find a more difficult task when we propose the abolition of
Plutocracy, by what may be called a REVOLUTIONARY MEASURE.
Having thus gotten rid of the increasing army of paupers and tramps,
providing, as it seems, a sound basis for a republic, we have the
other problem of getting rid of the growing aristocracy--the
plutocratic princes, the syndicates and trusts, who constitute the
other great danger,--of whom we may say we must either master them or
they will master us by managing our senators, governors, and
presidents. They have already swallowed some such legislatures as we
have been able to elect, with such facility as to show that it will
not be long before they can swallow the entire government, and when it
has been swallowed it may not be as fortunate as Jonah in getting out
again, for there is some very important legislation necessary to this
republic which the plutocracy may be expected to resist with all its
power, and when the conflict comes it will be a grand one.
They will probably combat with all their might the doctrine which must
sometime be presented, that the nation must rule itself on democratic
principles, and that the dead shall not rule the living by entail,
mortmain, or will. When a child is born it must become a member of the
republic on conditions compatible with the safety of that republic. It
cannot be allowed to come in as the born master of a hundred thousand
fellow-citizens equally competent to serve the republic. Our young
citizens approach us from a generation that has passed away.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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