The Campaign of Waterloo: A Military History: Third EditionRopes, John Codman
History
The Campaign of Waterloo: A Military History: Third Edition
Ropes, John Codman
Napoleon I, Emperor of the French, 1769-1821 -- Elba and the Hundred Days, 1814-1815; Waterloo, Battle of, Waterloo, Belgium, 1815
To the same effect is Chesney’s opinion,[40] opposing that of
Charras.[41] Further evidence on the subject has been collected by
Mr. Dorsey Gardner.[42] His conclusion is entirely opposed to that of
Colonel Chesney, and in our judgment he places altogether too much
reliance on that delightful, but gossipy, writer, the Comte de Ségur.
Ségur’s History of the Russian Campaign is the best known work on
the subject, but it is essentially a romance. In it he advances with
great boldness his favorite theme of the breaking down of Napoleon’s
health.[43] But the Emperor’s health was able to endure without
injury that terrible strain; he certainly showed in 1813 and 1814
every evidence of physical vigor. No doubt the peculiar maladies from
which he suffered occasionally impaired the activity of both mind and
body; but the talk of Ségur verges at times on puerility. Gourgaud’s
_Examen Critique_ of Ségur’s work points out its defects cleverly and
unsparingly. As for the conversation, referred to by Gardner, which the
Earl of Albemarle[44] reports as having taken place in 1870 between
his son and General Gudin, who was, in 1815, a page in waiting on the
Emperor, to the effect that Napoleon secluded himself all the forenoon
of the day of the battle of Waterloo, and that “it was nearly noon when
the Emperor descended the ladder that led to the sleeping room and rode
away,” it is really impossible to accept the story. Charras, who for
his own reasons (and, by the way, not for the reasons which Chesney
very naturally supposes actuated him), endeavors to magnify Napoleon’s
inactivity throughout this campaign, represents him as, on this morning
of the 18th, reconnoitring the position after eight o’clock,[45] giving
his orders for the marshalling of the army, watching the deployment
of the troops between nine and half-past ten, riding along the lines,
and dictating the order of battle before eleven o’clock. On all such
points we are quite safe in following Charras, and we must consider
Gudin’s story as having (to say the least) suffered greatly in its
transmission. Besides, there was no “ladder that led to the sleeping
room,” in the house[46] in which Napoleon slept the night before
Waterloo.
To repeat, then, once more. Napoleon in this campaign was troubled by
and doubtless suffered considerably from some painful maladies; and,
even apart from this fact, we cannot look for the youthful vigor and
activity of 1796 or 1805 in the year 1815. He was not in these respects
equal to his former self; and it was further to be expected that the
deficiency of his physical energy would be accompanied by a diminished
mental alertness and vigilance. All the same, we think it will be
found that he showed in this campaign a very fair degree of strength
and activity. But we shall know more about this as we proceed with the
narrative.
FOOTNOTES:
[39] Thiers, vol. xx, book lx, p. 37, n.
[40] Chesney, p. 72, n.
[41] Charras, vol. 2, p. 203, n. H.
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