The Continental Monthly, Vol. 3, No. 1 January 1863: Devoted To Literature And National PolicyVarious
History
The Continental Monthly, Vol. 3, No. 1 January 1863: Devoted To Literature And National Policy
Various
Literature, Modern -- 19th century -- Periodicals; United States -- Politics and government -- 19th century -- Periodicals
exhibiting it as the sole refuge in times of commotion and danger,
standing unmoved amidst the storm, impregnable to all its violence. In
the public recognition, by universal acquiescence, it will be considered
stronger than before; and this transformation will be as much a change
in the minds of the people as in the character and functions of the
Government itself.
There is, however, no good reason why the central power should acquire
inordinate strength, and absorb any part of the legitimate functions of
the local governments. A more liberal interpretation of the Constitution
will somewhat extend the federal powers, and there will necessarily be
greater intensity in the exercise of acknowledged authority;
nevertheless, consolidation need not be the subject of serious
apprehension. At the beginning of the war, when the Union was sorely
beset with the most imminent dangers, the executive power was extended
far beyond its ordinary limits; and perhaps this excess of action has
been in some cases too long continued, and has been made to embrace
objects not legitimately within the emergency which originally justified
the departure. But even under present circumstances, there can be no
just cause for alarm. There can be no real danger, until the people
shall have become either overawed and silenced by terror, or careless
and indifferent to the encroachments on liberty. Such is evidently very
far from being the case now. The recent elections have shown how
entirely free is the expression of opinion, and how completely
untrammelled the political action of the people, who, in this instance,
have been charged with following their leaders even beyond the bounds
of just opposition, into the dangerous position of giving encouragement
to the enemy. Both parties, however, place their own peculiar
construction on these popular decisions, and it is difficult to
determine, with any accuracy, what is their actual import. We only know
that so extensive a change, affecting the position of many of the
largest States, indicates a serious dissatisfaction of some kind; though
it is by no means probable that the people have intended to sanction the
extreme and mischievous views of some of the candidates, who, here and
there, have secured their election. Factious divisions in the loyal
States, at this critical period, would be ruinous to the cause of the
Union. They would distract the public mind and weaken the arm of the
Government, so as to endanger its success in the war. There is no
indication of any such intention on the part of the people, whatever may
be the designs of some of those who have been successful leaders of this
threatening opposition. And the only effect which ought to follow the
recent popular demonstration is to admonish the Government, and check it
in those errors which are only too natural in the mighty contest in
which it is now engaged. The necessity for decision, vigor, and courage,
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