Ireland -- Politics and government; Political parties -- Ireland -- History; Sinn Fein
While Ulster Unionists were of this mind it was not to be expected that
they would acquiesce without protest in the passing of a Home Rule Act:
nor was it to be expected that they would think differently because a
majority of the electors of Great Britain decided that they should. The
only people who could win them were their own countrymen. Sinn Fein saw
this clearly and in its own way tried its best to allay Protestant fears
and Protestant prejudices. _Irish Freedom_ printed a letter from New York
from an old Fenian who said, "The great barrier to Irish success is the
fear of the Protestants--unfounded and unreasonable, but undeniably
there--that their interests would be in danger in a free Ireland. Remove
that fear and the Irish question is solved. It would be of infinitely more
service to Ireland to convert ten Ulster Orangemen to Nationality by
convincing them that their interests would be safe in a free Ireland than
to convince a million Englishmen that the Irish would be loyal to the
king.... We had many ex-Orangemen in Fenianism.... All experience shows
that it is easier to convert an Orangeman to full nationality than to any
form of Home Rule." But for Irish Catholics to convert Irish Orangemen to
anything requires infinite tact, infinite patience, and a long lapse of
time: and it cannot be said that either the Sinn Fein or the Republican
Party properly estimated the difficulty and complexity of the problem. The
attempt to moderate the Ulster resistance by appeals to the principles of
democratic government was, if possible, even less successful. It proved
vain to urge that under democratic rule the will of the majority must
prevail: that every party must expect to be in its turn in a minority and
must learn to take the rough with the smooth: that the very principle and
object of the Act of Union was that people in Ireland should not have the
final say in the Government of Ireland but that the Parliament of the
United Kingdom should decide: that both parties in Ireland had
acknowledged this principle for generations and that for the Nationalists
to act as the Unionists were doing now would have been denounced by the
Unionists themselves as an offence against good government. Appeal was
made to Ulster in the interests of the Empire to allow Home Rule to have
at least a fair trial. It was told that Englishmen were convinced that the
government of Ireland was radically vicious, and that the only way to
amend it was to entrust the internal affairs of Ireland to a strictly
subordinate Parliament: that they felt that to continue in Ireland
indefinitely an indefensible system of administration was to embitter the
internal relations of the three kingdoms and weaken the Empire at the very
centre. It was pointed out that a friendly Ireland would be worth many
divisions of the Fleet and Army in the European struggle which could be
seen to be approaching and the Ulster Unionists were asked to 'sacrifice'
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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