It should be remembered in this connection, however, that emigration from Germany is very far from being on the increase. It has diminished astonishingly since 1880. In the decade from 1880 to 1890 the annual emigration averaged about 135,000, and in 1881 it reached its highest point, 220,000. In the decade from 1900 to 1910 it never in any one year ran over 37,000 and averaged about 27,000--in other words, it had declined, in spite of the increase in population and in the number of colonies, to one fifth of its former proportions. The figures have only a relative significance. The annual emigration from Belgium, for instance, which has little more than one tenth the population of Germany, was considerably higher, averaging 35,000 annually for the years from 1906 to 1910. The annual emigration from the United Kingdom to places outside of Europe in the same period was approximately 532,000 annually. As, therefore, German emigration has in the last quarter century steadily declined, it may be safely inferred that the problem of finding colonies for her surplus population is not now, at least, a more pressing one for Germany than it was twenty-five years ago. A conscientious American student of contemporary politics has said quite justly that "the most vital and burning problem in the world to-day" is the problem of Germany's _Weltpolitik_. It is not the purpose of this volume to enter into questions of controversy. He who wishes, however, to understand Germany's position and the Emperor's position toward the world to-day must consider carefully not only the problem itself but some of its practical implications. In one of his bursts of enthusiasm the Emperor will tell us later[9] that this policy implies that no question in the world--no question of international politics, in other words--is to be decided without Germany. This would mean, strictly interpreted, that no transfer or change of status in colonial possessions--Cuba or the Philippines, for instance--no international canal, like Panama, could be made without her sanction. And there are those in Germany, like Doctor Liman, who believe that this doctrine should have been more rigidly maintained than had hitherto been the case. _A priori_, Germany is, of course, as much entitled to the right to pursue such a policy as any other power. Ethically, however--if ethics have any place in the discussion--it must be the result which justifies such a policy: not the results merely to the nation pursuing the policy but the results also to the nation or tribe at whose expense the policy is pursued. In the utilitarian phrase, it must redound to the greater good of the greater number.