The History of the Confederate War, Its Causes and Its Conduct, Volume 1 (of 2): A Narrative and Critical History — John Shaqi
The History of the Confederate War, Its Causes and Its Conduct, Volume 1 (of 2): A Narrative and Critical HistoryEggleston, George Cary
History
The History of the Confederate War, Its Causes and Its Conduct, Volume 1 (of 2): A Narrative and Critical History
Eggleston, George Cary
United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865
But it alarmed the South. By the Southerners of the more radical
pro-slavery school it was accepted as a notice to quit; a notification
that so far as Northern anti-slavery sentiment could control the
matter, there was to be no further addition of a single acre to the
slave territory of the Union; that so far as that sentiment could
influence national politics, the power of the Federal Government was
thenceforth and forever to be exercised to prevent the extension of
slavery into any new territory acquired or to be acquired by the Union
north or south of the Missouri Compromise line, and in the end to
abolish the system altogether.
Let us clearly understand this situation. The Wilmot Proviso and all
the attempted legislation, by which it was sought to confine slavery
within the boundaries prescribed for it by existing conditions, seemed
to the opponents of slavery merely a legitimate effort to emphasize
the fact that free labor was national, while slavery was a permitted
evil within prescribed limits permitted solely because within those
limits the national power was not authorized to exert itself for the
extermination of the system. On the other hand, all these things seemed
to the Southern mind to be an utterly unjust discrimination against
a part of the people. The territories involved in the controversy
had become national possessions, they contended, largely through the
activities of Southern men and Southern statesmanship. It was felt to
be a grievous wrong that Southern men should be forbidden to emigrate
to those territories on equal terms with other citizens of the Union or
that thus emigrating they should be forbidden to take with them their
slave property, which represented in part their industrial system but
in far greater part their domestic life.
The very proposal thus to exclude them from an equal participation in
the opportunities and the privileges opened to other citizens of the
Republic by the acquisition of these new territories seemed to them
a threat, a notification that henceforth they were to be treated not
as citizens of the Union entitled to the same protection and the same
privileges that were extended to other citizens, but as inferior and
offending persons, persons graciously permitted to exist, but persons
to be excluded, because of their offenses, from an equal participation
in the conquests and land purchases of the Nation and from the
enjoyment of a share of the benefits resulting from the addition of a
great and immeasurably rich territory to the national domain.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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