The History of the Confederate War, Its Causes and Its Conduct, Volume 1 (of 2): A Narrative and Critical HistoryEggleston, George Cary
History
The History of the Confederate War, Its Causes and Its Conduct, Volume 1 (of 2): A Narrative and Critical History
Eggleston, George Cary
United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865
This new "Free-soil" party had no less a personage than Ex-president
Martin Van Buren as its candidate for the presidency in 1848 and while
its following and its poll of votes were small its menace seemed
to men of the South very great, a seeming that was destined to be
confirmed ere long. In 1840 the Anti-slavery candidate, Birney, had
received only 7,059 votes in the whole country, scarcely enough to be
recorded in the election returns. In 1844 the same candidate received
62,300 votes--a great increase, but still not enough to be reckoned
seriously. In 1848 Martin Van Buren, as the candidate of this Free-soil
party, received 291,263 votes, thus greatly more than quadrupling the
highest directly Anti-slavery vote previously polled. In 1856 the
Free-soil party under the name of the Republican party, was in effect
the only serious antagonist of the Democracy, the only party that
seriously disputed with it the control of the National Government. In
that election the new party polled 1,341,264 votes, against 1,838,169
for the Democratic candidate. It carried no less than 114 electoral
votes out of a total of 296, its successful antagonist carrying 174.
All this occurred after the time which we are now considering, but
the facts are presented here because their coming was anticipated in
1850 and because they serve to illustrate the rapidity with which the
"irrepressible conflict" grew in intensity and fervor.
In 1850 the country was on the verge of a revolution.
The Southerners were exasperated to the point of armed revolt by the
proposal to deny to them what they deemed their fair participation in
the fruits of the Mexican War; by the increasingly active antagonism
of the North; by the aggressive opposition there to the enforcement
of property rights in fugitive slaves; by the condemnatory tone of the
Northern press, pulpit and platform; by the insistent use of the mails
for the circulation of literature which the South deemed dangerously
incendiary; by the continual inflow of petitions to Congress for the
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia; and by a score of
other annoyances which were ceaseless in their aggression.
The feeling grew in the South that there was no longer any place in
the Union for those states that permitted slavery; that there was no
longer any tolerance for their people; that a war upon them had begun
which would stop at nothing short of the forcible abolition of their
institutions, with all of chaos and insurrection and servile revolt
which they believed to be the necessary sequences of such abolition.
They were affronted, offended and alarmed. States' rights had been
freely invoked against them as a means of evading and defeating such
laws as then existed for the rendition of fugitive slaves. They, in
their turn, looked to states' rights as perhaps affording to them a way
of escape from their difficulties and tribulations.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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