The history of the rise, progress, and establishment of the independence of the United States of America, Vol. 2 (of 3) : $b Including an account of the late war, and of the thirteen colonies, from their origin to that periodGordon, William
History
The history of the rise, progress, and establishment of the independence of the United States of America, Vol. 2 (of 3) : $b Including an account of the late war, and of the thirteen colonies, from their origin to that period
Gordon, William
United States -- History -- Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775; United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783
of foreign assistance; and if I shall make any treaties in consequence
thereof, they shall be laid before you.—And I have, in testimony of my
affection for my people, sent to the garrisons of Gibraltar and Port
Mahon, a part of my electoral troops; that a larger number of the
established forces of this kingdom, may be applied to the maintenance of
its authority. When the deluded multitude, against whom this force will
be directed, shall become sensible of their error, I shall be ready to
receive the misled with tenderness and mercy. I shall give authority to
certain persons to grant general or particular pardons and indemnities,
in such manner, and to such persons, as they shall think fit, and to
receive the submission of any province which shall be disposed to return
to its allegiance. It may also be proper to authorise the persons so
commissioned to restore such province, so returning to its allegiance,
to the free exercise of its trade and commerce, and to the same
protection and security as if such province had never revolted.” When an
address to his majesty in answer to the speech, had been moved and
seconded in the house of commons, lord John Cavendish moved for an
amendment; which occasioned a long debate, that was carried on with the
utmost eagerness and unceasing energy on both sides. The employment of
foreign troops to reduce America, was an object animadverted upon by
opposition with peculiar violence and indignation.
General Conway though in place, opposed administration; and condemned,
in the most decisive terms, the American war, declaring it to be cruel,
unnecessary and unnatural—calling it in plain terms, a butchery of his
fellow subjects. He reprobated every idea of conquering America, upon
all the grounds of justice, expediency and practicability. He declared
in the most unreserved terms against the right of taxation, and wished
to see the declaratory law repealed (though it had passed under his own
auspices when in administration) rather than it should be employed to
colour designs, the most opposite to the intentions, publicly declared,
of those who supported it in parliament, and particularly opposite to
the fullest declaration of his own at the time of his moving it. The
ministry made as good a defence as their cause would admit; and pleaded,
“We are now in a situation which doth not afford a possibility of
receding without shame, ruin and disgrace.” Lord North acknowlegded,
that he had been deceived; that he did not imagine that all America
would have armed in the cause. Administration, he said, proceeded upon
the information they had received; if other gentlemen were in possession
of better, why did they not communicate it? Administration had opposite
information, but they adhered to that which came from persons whose
interest made them parties with the inclinations of ministry. That which
they neglected, as proceeded from mistake or a wrong bias, they now find
to have been the truest.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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