The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years henceSinclair, Upton
History
The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years hence
Sinclair, Upton
Socialism -- United States; United States -- Economic conditions -- 1865-1918; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
Is not this a parallel to make one pause and think? And if our American
republic is to escape the fate of Rome, to what cause will it be due?
The Roman failure was due to the fact that “the men and women by whom
the hard work of the world was done were chiefly slaves”; those who held
the franchise, the free Roman citizens, were a comparatively small
class, and the patricians bought them with “bread and circuses,” and so
held the reins of power. In our present time, however, those who do the
work and those who have the ballot are the same class; and also they
have the public school and the press, and the whole of modern science at
their backs. More important yet—the all-dominating fact—is the machine.
The Roman chattel-slave worked with his hands, while the modern
wage-slave works with tools of gigantic speed and power; which means
that our modern economic process, while infinitely more cruel and
destructive, makes up for these qualities by the certainty and swiftness
with which it rushes to its end. So it is that a Revolution which in
Rome took centuries to culminate and fail, will require only decades in
America to accomplish its inevitable triumph.
CHAPTER IV
SOCIAL DECAY
If my analysis of the industrial process be correct, there will be two
developments observable in our society: the first a material change, a
kind of economic apoplexy, the concentration of wealth in one portion of
society, accompanied by an intensification of competition, a falling in
the rate of interest, and a steady rise in the cost of living; and
second, a spiritual change coincident with the material one, a protest
against the rising frenzy of greed, and against the constantly
increasing economic pressure.
It is important that these two processes should be clearly perceived,
and their relationship correctly understood; for there is no aspect of
the whole problem about which there is more bad thinking done. The two
are cause and effect, and they explain and prove each other; and yet
almost invariably you will hear them cited as contradicting each other.
If, for instance, one speaks of the ever-rising tide of misery and
suffering in our society, he will be met with the response that “the
world is getting better all the time.” And when he asks for some proof
of the statement, the reply will be that a great national awakening is
going on, that we are developing new ideals and a new public spirit!
Similarly I have, time and again, when advocating this or that concrete
remedy, been met with the statement that the cure for the evils of the
time is publicity—that the people must be educated—that we must appeal
to men’s moral sense, etc. It is useless to argue with a person who
cannot perceive that all these things are simply means to an end, and
not the end. You cannot educate people just to be educated; when you
appeal to them, you have to appeal to them to _do_ something.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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