The Irish CrisisTrevelyan, Charles E. (Charles Edward)
History
The Irish Crisis
Trevelyan, Charles E. (Charles Edward)
Ireland -- Economic conditions; Ireland -- History -- 1837-1901; Ireland -- History -- Famine, 1845-1852
by any public arrangement, that society can be protected from a state
of almost universal pauperisation, and that the charge of a more
benevolent alleviation of distress than what is absolutely necessary
for the bare support of the thoroughly destitute, must and ought to
be left to the exertions and voluntary distribution of the charitable
and humane, which it is hoped will always be largely afforded.” During
the week ended Saturday the 14th August, 1847, there were above 20,000
persons on the relief lists of the electoral division which comprises
the northern half of the city of Dublin; and as the operations under
the Temporary Relief Act terminated in that union on the 15th, the
guardians, on the 16th, had to deal with the apparent necessity of
having to provide relief for above 20,000 persons. On the morning of
that day, however, owing to previous arrangements, they had room in
the workhouse of their union for 400 individuals; and by offering
workhouse relief to applicants, aided by some assistance from the
Mendicity Institution, the guardians were enabled in the course of six
days to reduce the number on the relief lists to about 3000 persons.
This is only one instance among many that might be adduced, of the
practical value of the experience that has been acquired in Ireland of
the true principles of Poor Law management.
A principle of great power has thus been introduced into the social
system of Ireland, which must be productive of many important
consequences, besides those which directly flow from it. Mr. Drummond’s
apophthegm, that “property has its duties as well as its rights,”
having now received the sanction of law, it can never hereafter be
a matter of indifference to a landed proprietor, what the condition
of the people on his estate is. The day has gone by for letting
things take their course, and landlords and farmers have the plain
alternative placed before them of supporting the people in idleness
or in profitable labour. Hitherto the duties of Irish landlords had
been, as jurists would say, of imperfect obligation. In other words,
their performance depended upon conscience, benevolence, and a more
enlightened and far-seeing view of personal interest than belongs to
the generality of men; the consequence of which has been a remarkable
difference in the conduct of Irish landlords: and while some have
made all the sacrifices and exertions which their position required,
others have been guilty of that entire abandonment of duty which has
brought reproach upon their order. For the future this cannot be.
The necessity of self-preservation, and the knowledge that rents can
be saved from the encroachments of poor-rates, only in proportion as
the poor are cared for and profitably employed, will secure a fair
average good conduct on the part of landed proprietors, as in England,
and more favourable circumstances will induce improved habits. The
poor-rate is an absentee tax of the best description; because, besides
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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