There is indeed a fourth attitude which has occasionally appeared in
history when States have been in active decline or have fallen into the
hands of base and weak men, and that is the exaggerated flattery and
support of a few powerful wealthy Jews by administrators who were bribed
or cowed. We are suffering from that to-day. But these exceptional cases
(they have always led to national disaster) do not form a true category
of _Statesmanship_ in the matter. Nor is there even in those who thus
actually advantage a few Jews above their own fellow-citizens, and give
them special prominence and power, so much a recognition of the Jewish
sense of superiority as a secret hatred of their Jewish masters.
Bitter as is everywhere the secret attack on the Jews by those who have
subjected themselves for gain or publicity, it is nowhere so bitter as
in the private speech of the politicians.
It would seem in the presence of so many failures in policy, and all
these failures having in common the non-recognition of this Jewish
feeling, that success can never be obtained unless we fully allow for
it. I submit that there will never be peace between any Jewish alien
minority and the community within which it may happen to reside until
those who administrate that community fully accept, and studiously avoid
the exasperation of, this state of the Jewish mind.
In statesmanship, as in every other form of human activity, exact
definition is of the first importance. We must distinguish at the outset
between this Jewish sense of superiority and any real superiority. The
statesman is not concerned with the rightness or wrongness of the Jewish
attitude. It may be a most absurd illusion, or it may be a most profound
vision. He has nothing to do with that. Having made up his mind that the
small and quite alien minority must be tolerated and must be allowed to
live as happily as possible in the midst of a community from which it so
profoundly differs, his next duty is to know thoroughly the nature of
the material upon which he is acting and with which he has to deal.
He may smile at the Jewish sense of superiority; he may even be
privately indignant; but he must be quite sure that it is a permanent
part of the nation with which he has to settle. It will never be
removed. The Jew in the East End of London, the poorest of the poor,
feels himself the superior of the magistrate before whom he is hauled,
of the policeman who keeps order in the streets, and immensely the
superior of the simple-faced soldiers and sailors, whose trade is the
most typical of our own race. He even feels himself the superior of
those whom he better understands--the negotiators: the people who live
by cunning. The expression of our faces, our gesture, our manner; the
very fact that our minds, less acute, are also broader, confirms his
feeling.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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