Law -- England; Poor -- England; Poor laws -- England; Working class -- England
When one reads from time to time of decisions of the Courts that are
upheld for a generation and finally overruled it is against the truth to
speak of a pre-existing code of laws which the judges merely administer
and expound. And the reason this is not openly acknowledged and that this
mysterious bogey of pre-existent law is worshipped in our Courts of
Justice is, as Professor Gray tells us, that there is an "unwillingness to
recognise the fact that the Courts, with the consent of the State, have
been constantly in the practice of applying in the decision of
controversies, rules which were not in existence and were therefore not
knowable by the parties when the causes of controversy occurred. It is the
unwillingness to face the certain fact that Courts are constantly making
_ex post facto_ law." This is why we maintain the fiction of the
continuous pre-existence of law.
The fear among those in authority seems to be that it would be unwise to
openly recognise the real extent of the judicial power, as it would be
unpopular and widely rebelled against, and that under the soothing fiction
of the existence of an imaginary body of law and by the constant humble
assertion of the judges, that they are not there to make laws, but only to
administer them, the man in the street is deceived for his own good. For
myself I have grave doubts whether this juggling with facts is to
anybody's benefit. If it were recognised that in giving decisions at
common law, and also in the interpretation of statutes, judges were not
only declarers of existing law but makers of new law, then it would be
possible to discuss and perhaps control or direct the law-making power of
latter-day judges which from time to time manifests itself in unbalanced
social judgments.
When the telephone was invented by Alexander Graham Bell, the
Postmaster-General of the day claimed that it was a species of telegraph
within the meaning of the Telegraph Act, 1869. Scientifically, of course,
it was no such thing. Economically and in the interests of the community
it was essential that the telephone should not be handed over to a public
department predetermined not to give it a fair chance of development. Lord
Kelvin and others pointed out what was the right policy in the matter,
and, if the affair had gone to a parliamentary commission, his words would
have had weight and a Telephone Development Act might have brought about
excellent results. In that case the future of the telephone would have
been settled by parliamentary law.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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