The mediaeval stage, volume 2 (of 2)Chambers, E. K. (Edmund Kerchever)
History
The mediaeval stage, volume 2 (of 2)
Chambers, E. K. (Edmund Kerchever)
Drama, Medieval -- History and criticism; Theater -- History -- Medieval, 500-1500
The expansion of the cycles caused difficulties of time, as well as of
space. Without a compression of manner alien to the long-winded Middle
Ages, it was sometimes impossible to get the whole of the matter to be
treated within the limits of a single day. The problem was amenable to
more than one solution. The performance could be spread over two or
more sittings. The first recorded example of such an arrangement is at
Cividale in 1298[285], but it is one that would naturally suggest itself,
especially for the Easter cycle, which fell naturally enough into the two
dramas of Passion and Resurrection, from which, indeed, it sprang. In
the Frankfort cue-book of the fourteenth century, it is carefully noted,
that if the audience are being kept too long, the _rectores_ of the play
shall defer the Resurrection to a second day[286]. Another device, which
does not occur so early, was to divide the cycle into parts and play them
in successive years. This method was adopted with the play of the Seven
Joys of Mary at Brussels[287], and English examples will be found in a
later chapter[288].
The cycles required in many cases a larger number of actors than the
ecclesiastical bodies, even with the aid of wandering clerks and the
cloister schools, could supply. It was necessary to press the laity into
the service. The Easter play, of which the thirteenth-century anchoress
Wilburgis was disappointed, was acted _tam a clero quam a populo_[289].
It was a further step in the same direction when the laity themselves
took over the control and financing of plays. For this one must look
mainly to that most important element in mediaeval town life, the guilds.
Just as the Feast of Fools passed from the hands of the clergy into
those of the _sociétés joyeuses_, so did the religious drama into those
of more serious confraternities. The _burgenses_ of Cahors, who in 1290
and 1302 played a _ludum de miraculis beati Marcialis_ in the graveyard
of St. Martial of Limoges, not improbably belonged to a guild formed
to do honour to the patron[290]. The primary purpose of such guilds as
these was devotional, and if they acted plays, it was doubtless with
the countenance and assistance of the clergy to whose church they were
affiliated. But those more secular and literary guilds, the _puys_, also
undertook to act religious plays no less than _sotties_ and farces; and
in them it may be suspected that the influence of the clergy would have
to contend shrewdly with that of the minstrels[291]. It is not surprising
to come in time upon signs of a rivalry between lay and clerical actors.
Thus, in 1378, the scholars of St. Paul’s are said to have presented a
petition to Richard II, praying him to prohibit a play by some ‘unexpert
people’ of the History of the Old Testament, a subject which they
themselves had prepared at great expense for the ensuing Christmas. It
may have been some similar dispute which led about the same date to the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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