The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and EnfranchisementMerriam, George Spring
History
The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and Enfranchisement
Merriam, George Spring
African Americans -- History; Slavery -- United States -- History
Side by side with the anti-slavery sentiment was growing another
sentiment--distinct from it, at first often in practical hostility to
it, but at last blending with it for a common triumph. It was the
sentiment of American nationality--the love of the Union. The separate
colonies were brought together in the Revolution by a common peril and a
common struggle. Then their tendency to fall apart was counteracted by
the strong bond of the Constitution and the Federal government. Diverse
interests and mutual distrust still tended to draw them asunder. With
the continuance of the Union, the strengthening of the tie by use, the
hallowing of old associations under the glamour of memory, and the
growth of the new bonds of commerce and travel, the sense of a common
country and destiny began to take root in the hearts of men, and on
occasion disclosed itself with the strength and nobility of a heroic
passion. True, a new rift was appearing, in the doctrine of
nullification and the question of slavery, but this evoked at times a
more militant and again a more appealing aspect in the sentiment of
union. Jackson seemed to rise from the rough frontiersman to the
guardian of the nation when he gave the word, "The Federal Union--it
must be preserved!" Clay found the noblest exercise of his eloquence and
his diplomacy in evoking the national spirit and in harmonizing the
differences which threatened it. But the most stirring voice and
effective leadership was that of Daniel Webster.
As Webster is judged in the retrospect, we see that he was not so much a
statesman, still less a moral idealist, as an advocate. His lucidity of
statement and emotional power were not matched by constructive ability.
His name is associated with no great measure of administration, no large
and definite policy. He was luminous in statement rather than sagacious
in judgment, an advocate rather than a judge. On the platform or in the
Senate he was still pre-eminently the lawyer, in that, like a lawyer, he
was the representative and exponent of established interests,--not the
projector of new social adjustments. Civil law represents a vast
accumulated experience and tradition of mankind; it has been slowly
wrought out, as a regulation and adjustment of existing interests; with
an effort toward equity, as understood by the best intelligence of each
period, but always with immense regard for precedent and previous usage.
It was in this spirit, highly conservative of what has already been
secured, and extremely cautious toward radical change, that Webster
habitually dealt with political institutions. It was characteristic of
him that in the Massachusetts constitutional convention in 1820 he
pleaded strongly for the retention of the property qualification of
voters for State senators. But when the tide moved irresistibly toward
manhood suffrage, he acquiesced.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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