The negro: the southerner's problemPage, Thomas Nelson
History
The negro: the southerner's problem
Page, Thomas Nelson
African Americans; United States -- Race relations
Further, the right to determine the qualification for the
suffrage—that is, to declare on what condition a citizen shall
exercise the suffrage—rests with the several States; the only
limitation to this being the express restrictions contained in the
Constitution of the United States bearing on the subject. Where a
State duly enacts a law it stands until it is changed by law or is
declared invalid by the proper court of competent jurisdiction. Its
provisions are until then the law.
It is not necessary to go largely into the history of the Fourteenth
and Fifteenth Amendments. They were the offspring of ignorance and
passion. They were adopted partly to punish the South, partly to arm
the Negroes with a weapon which would enable them to hold their own
against the whites, and partly to perpetuate the ascendancy of the
radical wing of the Republican Party.
Prior to, and even for some time subsequent to the war, the idea
of endowing the Negro race generally with the ballot had not been
seriously entertained by any considerable portion of the American
people.
Mr. Lincoln again and again, during his debates with Douglas,
declared his opposition to the idea. He said in one of his speeches:
“I am not nor ever have been in favor of bringing about in any way
the social and political equality of the white and black races; I
am not nor ever have been in favor of making voters or jurors of
Negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office or intermarry with the
white people; and I will say in addition, that there is a physical
difference between the white and black races which, I believe, will
ever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and
political equality.”
This declaration he reiterated in a speech delivered at Columbus.
The furthest he ever went in favor of admitting any Negroes to the
privilege of the ballot was when, on March 13, 1864, in his letter
to his provisional governor in Louisiana, Governor Hahn, he said:
“I barely suggest, for your private consideration, whether some of
the colored people may not be let in: as, for instance, the very
intelligent and especially those who have fought so gallantly in our
ranks.”
Of the thirty-four States which formed the Union in January, 1861,
thirty excluded Negroes from the franchise by constitutional
provision; while in the four States whose constitutions contained
no such provision—New York, Vermont, Massachusetts, and New
Hampshire—owing to the small number of Negroes among their
population, and the property and educational qualifications, the
Negro vote was so small as to be a negligible quantity.[51]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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