India -- Description and travel; India -- Politics and government -- 1765-1947
The actual cash amount of the assessment is not such an important
question to the cultivator as its proportion to his income. The
figures given for Deccan villages by Mr. Vaughan Nash in his “Family
Budgets,” show an assessment of about two shillings an acre.[26]
Many of the villages I visited were probably poorer, being in the
mountains, but the average assessment tax in them appeared to be
only a little over one shilling an acre, and sometimes as low as
fivepence, on an average holding of twenty acres. The assessment, as
I said, has now to be paid in cash on a certain day, often while the
crop is still growing. If payment is not made, everything the peasant
possesses can be seized and sold by the Revenue authorities—house
and land, plough and oxen, bedding and cooking pot. That is the
money-lender’s opportunity, and in practice it is usually the
money-lender who hands over the cash. If he refuses a further
advance, the Government is compelled either to cancel the debt (which
is now often done in famine seasons), or to suspend the debt till
next harvest (which is frequently done, but only puts off the evil
day), or to sell the peasant up, which usually yields a very small
price, and sometimes produces serious disturbances, as in the Deccan
riots of 1875, when the money-lenders were burnt out and driven from
the village.[27]
As is well known, nearly all the land in the Bombay Presidency, and
far the greater part of Madras, is held on this “ryotwari” system,
or peasant tenantry to the State, there being no intermediary at law
between the Government and the cultivator, though the money-lender
often acts as such. In many other provinces the land is owned
by landlords, or “zemindars,” much as in our own country, and
the revenue is taken from them, though it is ultimately paid by
the cultivator. In Bengal the zemindars were granted a Permanent
Settlement in 1793, which fixed the demands of the State so that
no further assessment has been instituted, and revenue stands at
an almost constant figure. The Rent Acts of 1859 and 1885 aimed at
protecting the cultivators from the usual abuses and extortions of
the landlord system, but whether the Permanent Settlement, which, of
course, involves a great loss of revenue to Government, is justified
or not by its results—whether the greater prosperity and intelligence
of Bengal arise from the moderation and fixity of the assessment, or
are due to climate, race, and enterprise, is one of those questions
that are argued between officials and educated Indians with a kind of
perpetual motion. A similar Permanent Settlement for the whole of
India was proposed by Lord Canning just before his death in 1862, but
finally abandoned twenty years later, after laborious discussion.[28]
[Illustration: THE RYOT’S HOME.]
[Illustration: CARRYING LEAVES FOR FUEL.
[_Face p. 92._
]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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