The Real Shelley. New Views of the Poet's Life. Vol. 2 (of 2)Jeaffreson, John Cordy
History
The Real Shelley. New Views of the Poet's Life. Vol. 2 (of 2)
Jeaffreson, John Cordy
Poets, English -- 19th century -- Biography; Shelley, Percy Bysshe, 1792-1822
The fact is the Free Lovers of ninety years since were angry with Imlay
for leaving Mary, _not_ because he acted in violation of their principles
or broke the terms of his contract with Mary, but because his rupture with
the woman of letters afforded a strong example of the badness of their
conjugal method, and tended to discredit their substitute for lawful
marriage. The opponents of Free Love were and are in the habit of
insisting that libertines would use its freedom, to desert their conjugal
mates for slight causes. Imlay’s secession from Mary countenanced this
view of Free Love. The opponents of Free Love opposed it on the ground
that, if conjugal partnerships could be withdrawn from at pleasure, they
would be entered into lightly and without due preliminary inquiry and
forethought. The levity with which Mary entered into a contract of Free
Love with Imlay, soon after making his acquaintance, and before she learnt
his real character (as her friends insist), countenanced this view. Hence
the rage of the Free Lovers against Imlay, who retired from the
partnership, whilst Mary wished to retain him in it.
Though it seems to have revived some months later, and after its temporary
extinction to have regained all its original passionateness, it is not to
be imagined that Mary Wollstonecraft’s love of Gilbert Imlay continued to
burn steadily after the death of his affection for her. All the more
instructive and pathetic are the efforts she made, for her child’s sake,
and her own honour’s sake, to hold him to herself, for months after his
first manifestation of a desire to be quit of her. Striving to make
herself useful to him, in the hope that a care for his selfish interests
would retain him in the partnership from which he wished to retreat, she
took an interest in his commercial concerns, and went on the voyage to
Denmark and Norway, not more for the sake of her own health, than for the
advantage of his affairs in those countries. This she did (as Mr. Kegan
Paul says) after ‘Imlay’s affection had ceased, and his desertion’
(retirement would be a better word) ‘had practically begun.’ Striving to
be useful to him, she tried to please him, even feigned still to love him,
though strong affection for him had perished from her heart. To qualify
her to do business for him in the foreign lands for which she was bound,
Imlay gave her a power-of-attorney, in which he styled her ‘Mary Imlay, my
best friend and wife,’--‘a document,’ says Mr. Kegan Paul, ‘which in many
cases and countries would be considered as constituting marriage:’ as
though it gave the poor woman a colour of matronly honour in history, and
were somehow or other a proof that she had, from the commencement of the
Free Love contract, ‘considered herself his wife in the eyes of God and
man.’ No doubt the document would have been proof of marriage in Scotland
to this century, and in other countries previous to the Council of Trent.
But Imlay and Mary were not living in Scotland.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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