The Relations of the Federal Government to Slavery: Delivered at Fort Wayne, Ind., October 30th 1860Edgerton, Joseph K. (Joseph Ketchum)
History
The Relations of the Federal Government to Slavery: Delivered at Fort Wayne, Ind., October 30th 1860
Edgerton, Joseph K. (Joseph Ketchum)
Campaign literature; Slavery -- United States -- History
3d. The Douglas or truly conservative theory, resting upon the limited
powers of the Federal constitution, as a compact of confederation, among
sovereign and independent States, assumes that so far as the United
States, _as a Nation_, are concerned, domestic slavery is neither a
national good to be protected, nor a national evil to be crushed out; it
is a local domestic institution, existing at the formation of the
confederacy, in all the States, "under the laws thereof," and its good
or evil, concerns only the local sovereignties or people with whom it
exists or may exist. The Federal government not having been ordained or
established to form or control the domestic institutions of the people
of the confederated States, is equally powerless to destroy or to extend
slavery. Its destruction or extension must be the work of local law, not
of the Federal constitution, nor of Federal law made under it.
Let us re-state the points:
The Breckinridge or slavery extension party would _nationalize_ slavery,
by making its existence commensurate with the obligations of the Federal
constitution.
The Lincoln or abolition party would _denationalize_ it, by destroying
it by prohibition where it is not, and by starvation where it is.
The Douglas or non-intervention party would denationalize it, by leaving
the people in the respective localities, be they States or territories,
to deal with it as they see fit.
Therefore, Breckinridge would use the national government to force
slavery on an unwilling people.
Lincoln and Seward would use the same power to prevent a people who may
desire domestic slavery from having it.
Douglas would not use the same power, either to permit or destroy, but
recognizing the right and capacity of the people to govern themselves,
would leave them to decide _for themselves_ as to what domestic
institutions they would or would not have.
There can be no mistaking as to which of the three parties occupies the
true democratic ground on this subject. To rightly decide that question,
we have only to reach the central and fundamental idea of the nature of
the Federal Constitution, upon which each party bases itself.
The political history of the United States, since the Confederation,
shows that as well in the formation, as in the interpretation and
administration of the Federal Constitution, two parties have existed,
representing two different political ideas--the one, State
Sovereignty--the other, National Sovereignty, or, Confederation against
Consolidation; or, democratic government in _the States_ against an
Imperial government in _the Nation_.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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