the visits of cardinals and nuncios would have served as a constant
link between Russia and the West, and have stimulated the growth
of towns in the wild lands that led up to the Dniepr basin. What
in fact Rome did for Hungary, on the latter’s entry into the Latin
Church--raising her from the position of a semi-barbarous state to
that of an important kingdom--that might she have done under similar
circumstances for the Eastern principality. There is, of course,
another side to this reckoning; Russia, at least, was spared some
of the distractions and unhappinesses which radiated from the throne
of the apostles, while her very isolation in matters of religious
polity helped to preserve for her a strong individuality which
other Slav or Magyar nations lost as the price of their intercourse
with Catholic-Teutonic Europe. Possibly her history is not even yet
sufficiently developed for a final assessment of the matter, but
for present purposes it is necessary to note a turning-point in her
political evolution--a turn towards the East.
Although Christianity was become opposed to the practice of polygamy,
Vladimir’s first act after his baptism had been to increase his
connubial establishment by marriage with the Imperial princess. Three
more sons had been added to his already ample family, and, disregarding
the lesson of the disturbances which had followed the partition of
the realm between himself and his half-brothers, the Prince resolved
to parcel out his dominions among his surviving sons and his nephew.
Eight principalities were carved out from the parent stem, and became
each the share of a dependent kniaz, to wit, Novgorod, Polotzk, Rostov,
Mourom, the Drevlian country, Vladimir (in Volhynia), Tmoutorokan, and
Tourov.
In 998 the Russian arms were turned successfully against the Krovatians
on the Galician frontier, and against the ever troublesome Petchenigs,
who continued to disturb the southern borders at intervals during the
reign.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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