power over the life and liberty of the lieges. One year later it rescinded all these acts and proscribed the duke. They may be right who have found great constitutional activity in the mysterious records of the reign. It may be that amid all the disorder and confusion the burgesses and some neutral prelates were able to exercise some influence. It is certain that there was as usual no lack of attention to judicial and police requirements. But until some intelligible and consistent account of the reign has been offered, the sceptic may be pardoned for refusing to believe that out of these unruly struggles of selfish and grasping lords came calm constitutional progress.[103] The rebellion in which James III lost his life was, as usual, discussed in Parliament: that is to say, the first Parliament of the new reign declared that it was not a rebellion at all, and that, whatever it was, the new monarch and his advisers were not responsible for it. At first, James IV was in the hands of the nobles who had persuaded him to enter the field against his father. His second Parliament is memorable for a claim raised by the Lords of the Articles "that Compts and Rekyning be takin of all the king's officiaris, his thesaurars and comptrollers, auld and new of our soverane lord's tyme that now is and that auditors be chosen and named by the avise and autorite of this Parliament." This is not the tone in which we have been accustomed to hear the Parliament speak. It is coincident with the appointment in Parliament of "our Sovereign Lord's Secret Council," and with a resolution that the king has "humilit his highness," so far as to promise to act by its advice. The council was composed solely of prelates and great lords representing mainly the party in power, although including the patriotic bishop of Aberdeen,[104] who had been a faithful servant of James III. We have here a distinct constitutional advance. The king owed his power, not to a small clique such as had been frequently formed in the late reign, but to a large confederation of the greater nobles, who took the opportunity of legally defining the position of the sovereign. But within a few years we find James ruling alone. He was an able man and he ruled well. The Parliament met frequently and did what the king wished. We find in its records references to embassies to Spain, France, and England, and to the king's marriage. But we know, from the foreign correspondence of England and Spain, that the policy of Scotland depended upon the king, and on him alone. Parliament regulated in certain cases the incidence of taxation: at all events it passed acts for this purpose. Contemporaries did not imagine that the Estates alone had powers of taxation. John Major,[105] writing a few years after the strong hand of James IV had been removed, made this remark: