The slave trade : $b Slavery and colorJervey, Theodore D. (Theodore Dehon)
History
The slave trade : $b Slavery and color
Jervey, Theodore D. (Theodore Dehon)
African Americans; Slave trade -- United States; Slavery -- United States; United States -- Race relations
Mention has previously been made with regard to what is herein
considered Calhoun’s failure in 1833 to cope successfully with Clay;
but the very slight gains then secured were wiped out in a new tariff
in 1842. In 1846, being free from the terrific responsibilities and
overshadowing dangers of Nullification, Calhoun secured legislation,
which seems in its workings to have balanced very satisfactorily the
imports and exports of the country, being apparently passed upon the
sound principles of Lowndes’s legislation. But the effort drew from
Gadsden’s swollen greatness, this insolent characterization of the main
creator of it:
“The passage of the tariff has pleased, but not satisfied us. Perhaps
it was the best terms which at this crisis could be got, and doing
away with the minimums and the _ad valorem_ duty is a point gained.
The valuation is ambiguous. Whether on the foreign or the home
we cannot understand. The bill may be construed either way. The
Pennsylvanians really seem to control you.”[131]
The conclusion must have been galling, and it was followed in 1847 with
another letter in which, with professions of devotion, it was intimated
that General Taylor’s candidacy for the Presidency would be a serious
impediment to the only kind of candidacy Calhoun could undertake.
Whether Mr. Gadsden received the early answer he requested on the
ground “that the concert of action may be certain to secure the triumph
of one, who will not court our influence to deceive,”[132] does not
appear; but the next year there was a strong movement, led by George
A. Trenholm of Charleston, to oust Gadsden from the presidency of the
railroad, and in the last two years of his life, Calhoun’s intimacy
with Gadsden is not evidenced by any correspondence. Rather it was upon
Hammond that he leant more and more and it was to him that he addressed
the last letter written to any one beyond the immediate circle of his
own hearthstone.
To Hammond the dying statesman turned with a confidence calculated to
inspire the latter’s belief in himself:
“Without flattery I know of no one better informed than you are on the
subject that now agitates the country, or more capable of deciding
what should be done, with the knowledge you would acquire of the state
of things here or of preparing whatever papers the Convention may
think proper to put out.... Never before has the South been placed in
so trying a situation, nor can it ever be placed in one more so. Her
all is at stake.”[133]
The convention was the Nashville Convention of 1850, which met a
few months after Calhoun’s death. Hammond and many others hoped to
have had Calhoun’s advice at it, and possibly the suggestion for a
new Constitution framed by Calhoun. They believed emancipation was
impending, and that with it the South would be reduced to the condition
of Hayti. Hammond had declared to Calhoun:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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