The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That EventTocqueville, Alexis de
History
The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That Event
Tocqueville, Alexis de
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
The French Government having thus assumed the place of Providence, it
was natural that every one should invoke its aid in his individual
necessities. Accordingly we find an immense number of petitions which,
while affecting to relate to the public interest, really concern
only small individual interests.[33] The boxes containing them are
perhaps the only place in which all the classes composing that society
of France, which has long ceased to exist, are still mingled. It
is a melancholy task to read them: we find peasants praying to be
indemnified for the loss of their cattle or their horses; wealthy
landowners asking for assistance in rendering their estates more
productive; manufacturers soliciting from the Intendant privileges
by which they may be protected from a troublesome competition, and
very frequently confiding the embarrassed state of their affairs to
him, and begging him to obtain for them relief or a loan from the
Comptroller-General. It appears that some fund was set apart for this
purpose.
Even the nobles were often very importunate solicitants; the only mark
of their condition is the lofty tone in which they begged. The tax of
twentieths was to many of them the principal link in the chain of their
dependence.[2] Their quota of this tax was fixed every year by the
Council upon the report of the Intendant, and to him they addressed
themselves in order to obtain delays and remissions. I have read a host
of petitions of this nature made by nobles, nearly all men of title,
and often of very high rank, in consideration, as they stated, of the
insufficiency of their revenues, or the disordered state of their
affairs. The nobles usually addressed the Intendant as ‘Monsieur;’ but
I have observed that, under these circumstances, they invariably called
him ‘Monseigneur,’ as was usually done by men of the middle class.
Sometimes pride and poverty were drolly mixed in these petitions. One
of the nobles wrote to the Intendant: ‘Your feeling heart will never
consent to see the father of a family of my rank strictly taxed by
twentieths like a father of the lower classes.’ At the periods of
scarcity, which were so frequent during the eighteenth century, the
whole population of each district looked to the Intendant, and appeared
to expect to be fed by him alone. It is true that every man already
blamed the Government for all his sufferings. The most inevitable
privations were ascribed to it, and even the inclemency of the seasons
was made a subject of reproach to it.
We need not be astonished at the marvellous facility with which
centralisation was re-established in France at the beginning of this
century.[34] The men of 1789 had overthrown the edifice, but its
foundations remained deep in the very minds of the destroyers, and on
these foundations it was easy to build it up anew, and to make it more
stable than it had ever been before.
FOOTNOTES:
[32] See Note XXVI., Additional Patrols.
[33] See Note XXVII., Bureaux de Tabac.
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