What part the poorer folk--menus gentz--smaller craftsfolk, and
working-people played in the struggle for liberty is dark to us,
but we may infer from the analogy of other towns,[134] and from the
subsequent history of Coventry, that they had but little effective
power under the new constitution. The growth of oligarchy[135] in towns
is a matter of much debate. How early the few in Coventry engrossed
the governing power of which the whole community was--in theory at
least--the source, it is impossible in our present state of knowledge
to determine. We have testimony as early as 1450 of the great influence
of the leading crafts, mercers, and drapers. The evidence--though not
always so clear as we could wish--points to a gradual absorption of the
conduct of affairs during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries by a
small official class. In the end this clique succeeded so effectually
in freeing itself from every device framed to ensure some regard for
the popular will, that the charter of 1621 vested all power--and
incidentally considerable official emolument--in a close select body
"entirely independent of the rest of the community."[136] How early
the citizens became aware of the trend of affairs we know not, but it
is, maybe, significant that that popular discontent began to manifest
itself within a generation after the incorporation of the city. In the
late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries the commonalty set order
at defiance, reviled the mayor in the guild hall, and sought occasion
to break out in riot and tumult, while under the veil of religious
societies, industrial combinations--akin to the modern strike--formed
again and again, and were with difficulty suppressed.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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