The Theory and Policy of Labour ProtectionSchäffle, A. (Albert)
General
The Theory and Policy of Labour Protection
Schäffle, A. (Albert)
Labor laws and legislation -- Germany
In judging of the merits of the eight hours day, one must lay aside all
prejudices and misconceptions. Hence we repeat that the hygienic
working-day may be admissible, even though fixed below eight hours. We
repeat, moreover, that the maximum working-day fixed by contract is not
to be opposed, even though it fall to eight hours, or below eight hours,
at first in isolated cases, but by degrees generally. We also say that
it is not impossible that certain nationalities, or all nationalities,
should some day attain to such a degree of energy and zeal for work, as
would justify the eight hours limit almost universally, and render it
economically admissible, as is already the case in certain kinds of
work. We are only concerned here with the general legal eight hours day
(not with the merely hygienic working-day of eight hours) to be legally
enforced on January 1st, 1898, or within some reasonable limit of time.
A few objections are advanced against the eight hours day, the
importance of which cannot be overlooked.
The maximum working-day applied only to industrial labour lacks
completeness, it is said; all work, even in agriculture and in public
business, should be limited to eight hours, if the general maximum
working-day is to become a reality. The Social Democrats would, perhaps,
meet this objection by further motions.
The general eight hours day is not quashed by the assertion that the
united nationalities, or the bodies of labourers of different
nationalities would never agree upon the matter. This is, indeed,
possible, even very probable; but it remains to be proved what may be
effected by international labour-agitation in an age of universal
suffrages and of world congresses, and especially in England, which has
already become so really democratic; an advance made by this country
towards a reasonable experiment would be decisive. The possibility of
attaining a sufficiently uniform, shortened, international working-day
will always be conceivable. Moreover, the imposition of protective
duties on the nations that hold back is held in reserve as a means
towards the equalisation of social policy.
More important are those objections which are raised on grounds of
protective policy against the eight hours day, not on account of its
shortness, but of its universality. It is affirmed that it is
unnecessary and could not be carried out without intolerable chicanery.
I am also inclined to think that the necessity for a maximum
working-day, on grounds of protective policy, does not extend much
beyond factory and quasi-factory labour (cf. Chaps. V. to VIII.), many
wage-workers finding sufficient protection in the force of public
opinion, in moral influence and custom.
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