United States -- Description and travel; United States -- Social life and customs
Then would armies be reduced to the small dimensions necessary to
enforce order in each country. Then would the sufferings, the
dreadful horrors entailed by war, cease. Then would the millions
sterling of expenditure on bloated armaments, representing
incalculable labour wasted, come to an end, and thus allow of light
taxation. Then would there be food for all, and, as a consequence of
less want, less crime. Then could great works, benefiting all
mankind, be executed. Then would man progress as he has never done
yet. In a word, the millennium, at present a religious myth, would
then be realized!
Oh! that abler pens than mine, that some great statesman, would take
this subject in hand. That the press would agitate it, that nations
would _try_ and carry it out, not on the rude outlines I have given,
so faulty in all but intention, but on the collective wisdom of the
great and wise on earth. If it failed, what harm? If it succeeded,
what millions yet unborn would bless their efforts!
As I write I see that the great European Powers are about to deliver
an ultimatum to Greece, backed with force if disregarded, to stay her
warlike preparations against Turkey and disarm. Of the _wisdom_ of
the step, both in the interests of Greece and the said great Powers,
there can be but one opinion, viz. that it is well. But of the
_right_ so to act on the part of the Powers, of the justice thereof,
I do not think there can be the same unanimity in the affirmative. I
for one think the Powers are in no way justified. Were Greece a great
kingdom instead of a very little one, they would not do so. The fact
of her being weak can be no argument in favour of the course taken.
When France wantonly tried to invade Germany some years back, there
was quite as much, nay more, reason for united action to restrain
her. But such an idea was never mooted, simply because France is a
great Power. As things are, and always have been, any nation can, and
does, make war on the most frivolous pretexts, often wars of
aggression and conquest on no pretext at all. How often has England
done so! What right, except conquest, have we to the whole of
Hindustan which we hold to-day? How would England, or any great
Power, have brooked interference such as is exercised in the case of
Greece now? No. As things are among civilized nations to-day, I see
not how the action of the powers in this case can be defended, except
on the score of expediency, for, in truth, the interference is most
unjust and arbitrary.
But what is wrong now would have been right had an international
court been previously convened, and had Turkey asked for arbitration.
What is taking place to-day, and the result, if the Powers are firm,
viz. the avoidance of a bloody war, and the risk of other nations
being drawn into it, Europe possibly in a few months in a blaze--all
this evil set aside, by the action of the many against the one, is
surely an example in favour of an international Court to settle
national disputes.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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