The Truth About Lynching and the Negro in the South: In Which the Author Pleads That the South Be Made Safe for the White RaceCollins, Winfield H. (Winfield Hazlitt)
History
The Truth About Lynching and the Negro in the South: In Which the Author Pleads That the South Be Made Safe for the White Race
Collins, Winfield H. (Winfield Hazlitt)
African Americans; Lynching; Southern States -- Race relations
In association among races, unless there is some strong cementing
influence to counteract it, friction is likely to occur between them in
proportion to racial difference. And so long as racial antipathy shall
exist—and practical minded men see no signs of an end of it in the near
future—regulations for the promotion of harmony should be encouraged by
both whites and blacks.
It would be almost as reasonable to expect an idiot and a genius to
find a common ground of association as to expect it of a white man
and a Negro. For in both races there is a failure to recognize that
consciousness of kind which is the basis of all pleasant association.
Indeed, even the subdivisions of the white race show a strong
preference each for those of his own division. An Italian prefers to
associate with an Italian; a German, with Germans; and a Jew, with Jews.
So, in the last analysis, the most potent reason for the segregation of
the whites and the Negroes is their unlikeness. For they are antipodal
in the extreme: the nadir and zenith of peoples. This dissimilarity
cannot be removed by soap and water, time, charity, education, or
culture. After all these it will yet remain.
Another reason for segregation is the criminality and immorality of the
Negro race. Even if it would benefit a few Negroes or satisfy their
vanity to travel with whites or to live on the same street with them is
little reason why the comfort, property values, health and morals of
the whites should be endangered thereby. The better elements of society
have rights as well as the worst and the majority should receive
consideration as well as the minority. It is in strict accord with
sound ethical principles that laws should aim to level up rather than
to level down.
Again, the susceptibility of the Negro to disease is another
very potent reason for segregation laws. The Negro’s manner of
living since his emancipation—irregular in every way, sometimes
half-starved—together with their immoral habits, have so weakened the
constitutions of a great part of them that they easily become victims
to disease.
According to the _Washington Post_ (March 3, 1917) of 20,000 Negroes
who had lately arrived in Philadelphia from the South 1000 were ill
with pneumonia and tuberculosis, of whom 700 were said to be dying.
The “Negro Year Book” for 1914-15 makes the statement that 450,000
Negroes in the South are seriously ill all the time, and that 600,000
of the present Negro population will die of tuberculosis. When one
recalls that thirty-five years ago tuberculosis among Negroes was
scarcely heard of, he may the better appreciate the full force of the
above statement in regard to tuberculosis among Negroes.
In a letter calling a conference in Baltimore to consider better
housing conditions for the Negro, Mayor Preston said:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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