Hughes, William Morris, 1864-1952; Lloyd George, David, 1863-1945; World War, 1914-1918 -- Economic aspects
Yet this well-nigh overwhelming rush of figures only accounts for the
actual cost of hostilities. By this I mean arms and armament, food and
military supplies, the construction, maintenance and renewal of fleets,
the cost of transport and the pay of soldiers and sailors.
To the vast sum already recorded must be added the loss registered by
the destruction of cities, towns and villages, the sinking of ships, the
wiping out of factories, warehouses, bridges, roads and railways.
Then, too, you must allow for the almost incalculable productive loss
due to the killing and maiming of millions of men: the shrinkage of
agricultural yields and the more or less general dislocation of the
machinery of output. All these factors pile up a total, the calculation
of which would almost cause a compound fracture of the brain. Sufficient
to say it puts a terrific human and financial tax on coming generations
and we in America will feel its effects when the world begins to
readjust itself to the altered social and economic conditions which will
come with peace.
Of course the inevitable question arises: Who is paying the Scarlet
Piper? In seeking the answer you encounter for the first time America's
intimate and all-important part in the costly drama now being unfolded
to the tune of billions. She sits in the armoured box-office with the
Treasurers of the embattled nations.
At the outset of the war all the belligerent countries believed that
they could finance their needs without seeking neutral aid. Less than a
year was enough to dispel this delusion. Although England and France
immediately voted immense credits they were not long in finding out that
they must back up their unprecedented mobilisation of resources with
outside help. They came to us.
When the great Anglo-French loan of $500,000,000 was first discussed as
a possible American financial feat, people over here began to wonder why
Great Britain and France, whose combined wealth exceeds that of all the
other nations at war, should want overseas assistance. Since the reason
for this loan as well as the disposition of proceeds are practically the
same as that of most of the other Allied issues in this country in which
thousands of our investors have participated, it is well worth
explaining because it also carries with it a lesson in international
barter. Here it is:
Before the war our foreign trade was growing fast. England and France,
in particular, were good customers for our wheat and other foodstuffs,
iron and cotton manufactures, oil and automobiles. In exchange we
imported the product of many European factories.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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