Theodore Roosevelt and His Times: A Chronicle of the Progressive MovementHowland, Harold
History
Theodore Roosevelt and His Times: A Chronicle of the Progressive Movement
Howland, Harold
Progressive Party (1912); Roosevelt, Theodore, 1858-1919
"One of the main troubles was the fact that the men who saw the evils
and who tried to remedy them attempted to work in two wholly different
ways, and the great majority of them in a way that offered little
promise of real betterment. They tried (by the Sherman law method)
to bolster up an individualism already proved to be both futile and
mischievous; to remedy by more individualism the concentration that was
the inevitable result of the already existing individualism. They
saw the evil done by the big combinations, and sought to remedy it by
destroying them and restoring the country to the economic conditions of
the middle of the nineteenth century. This was a hopeless effort, and
those who went into it, although they regarded themselves as radical
progressives, really represented a form of sincere rural toryism. They
confounded monopolies with big business combinations, and in the effort
to prohibit both alike, instead of where possible prohibiting one and
drastically controlling the other, they succeeded merely in preventing
any effective control of either.
"On the other hand, a few men recognized that corporations and
combinations had become indispensable in the business world, that it was
folly to try to prohibit them, but that it was also folly to leave them
without thoroughgoing control. These men realized that the doctrine
of the old laissez faire economists, of the believers in unlimited
competition, unlimited individualism, were, in the actual state of
affairs, false and mischievous. They realized that the Government must
now interfere to protect labor, to subordinate the big corporation
to the public welfare, and to shackle cunning and fraud exactly as
centuries before it had interfered to shackle the physical force which
does wrong by violence. The big reactionaries of the business world and
their allies and instruments among politicians and newspaper editors
took advantage of this division of opinion, and especially of the fact
that most of their opponents were on the wrong path; and fought to
keep matters absolutely unchanged. These men demanded for themselves an
immunity from government control which, if granted, would have been as
wicked and as foolish as immunity to the barons of the twelfth century.
Many of them were evil men. Many others were just as good men as were
some of these same barons; but they were as utterly unable as any
medieval castle-owner to understand what the public interest really was.
There have been aristocracies which have played a great and beneficent
part at stages in the growth of mankind; but we had come to a stage
where for our people what was needed was a real democracy; and of all
forms of tyranny the least attractive and the most vulgar is the tyranny
of mere wealth, the tyranny of a plutocracy." *
* Autobiography (Scribner), pp. 424-25.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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