Woman and the Republic: A Survey of the Woman-Suffrage Movement in the United States and a Discussion of the Claims and Arguments of Its Foremost AdvocatesJohnson, Helen Kendrick
History
Woman and the Republic: A Survey of the Woman-Suffrage Movement in the United States and a Discussion of the Claims and Arguments of Its Foremost Advocates
Johnson, Helen Kendrick
Women -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- United States; Women -- Suffrage -- United States
Much stress has been laid by Suffragists upon the supposed fact that the
Woman-suffrage movement grew up as a logical conclusion from the Anti-
slavery movement. It grew out of it in the sense of having been born in
its midst; but I believe that the truth will be found to be that it was
the most prolific source of the dissensions that marred that noble cause,
and was identified with the small element that adopted wild notions or
used the notoriety gained by opposition to slavery in order to propagate
mischief. The conduct of those who later entered the Suffrage movement
hindered the public work of women from the time of organized effort for
the slave until slavery fell pierced to death amid the horrors of a
fratricidal war. I will take a brief survey of the Anti-slavery struggle
as it blended itself with the doctrines of those abolitionists who were
the earliest and staunchest friends of the Suffrage movement, and compare
it with the statements and claims of the women themselves.
I first refer to the "Life of James G. Birney," by his son, General
William Birney. James G. Birney was an early friend of Henry B. Stanton,
husband of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and with him helped to lay the
foundations of the Free-Soil Party, and later the Republican Party.
General Birney says of his father: "In his visit to New York and New
England, in May and June, 1837, Mr. Birney's chief object had been to
restore harmony among Anti-slavery leaders on doctrines and measures, and
especially to check a tendency, already marked in Massachusetts, to burden
the cause with irrelevant reforms, real or supposed. With this view he had
attended the New England Anti-slavery Convention held at Boston, May 30 to
June 2 inclusive, accepted the position of one of its vice-presidents, and
acted as a member of its committee on business. Rev. Henry C. Wright, the
leader of the No-Human-Government, Woman's-Rights, and Moral-Reform
factions, was a member of the Convention, but received no appointment on
any committee. On June 23, in the 'Liberator' [his newspaper], Mr.
Garrison denounced human governments. July 4, he spoke at Providence, as
if approvingly, of the overthrow of the Nation, the dismemberment of the
Union, and the dashing in pieces of the Church. July 15, an association,
of Congregational ministers issued a 'pastoral letter' against the new
doctrines. August 2, five clergymen, claiming to represent nine tenths of
the abolitionists of Massachusetts, published an 'appeal' which was
directed more especially against the course of the 'Liberator.' August 3,
the abolitionists of Andover Theological Seminary issued a similar appeal.
Among the complaints were some against 'speculations that lead inevitably
to disorganization, anarchy, unsettling the domestic economy, removing the
landmarks of society, and unhinging the machinery of government.' A new
Anti-slavery society in Bangor passed the following resolution: 'That,
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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