Experiments upon =abstraction= may be made in the manner outlined
on p. 250: a complex stimulus (say, a visual stimulus that shows
differences of colour, of number, of arrangement) is exhibited for
a brief time; the observer is asked to attend to some one aspect of
it (say, colour); and then, his report given, is asked to state what
he can of the other aspects (number and form). Two general results
may be mentioned. It is found, as might perhaps have been expected,
that _things which make the least appeal to attention are also the
things most easily overlooked_. Colour and form, for instance, are
more attractive than number; and when the observer is told to attend
to colour or form, number may go entirely unnoticed; whereas, when
he is told to attend to number,—a relatively difficult task,—he
is still able to say something of colour and form. The result seems
only natural; but you may not see at once that it throws scientific
light on a matter of some practical importance. We all know from sad
experience that when thought, our own or another’s, flows smoothly and
easily, it is likely to be superficial; the very smoothness of the
flow means that difficulties have been overlooked. The obverse of this
fact is, now, that if we struggle with the knotty points of a subject,
we get a grip upon the whole; the interesting and attractive things
take care of themselves; their native appeal to the attention keeps
them in mind. So the experiments upon abstraction point a moral, at
the same time that they illustrate the nervous mechanism of thought
itself. They show, secondly, that _the negative effect of abstraction
varies in degree_; the aspects of stimulus from which we abstract may
be wholly suppressed, so that no report at all can be made of them, or
may be apprehended indefinitely, so that the report is general; thus,
form may be correctly named, while the colours are reported merely as
‘different,’ or as ‘dark.’ Another significant result! for it means
that _a concept is more easily touched off than a special name_; we
may fail to identify colours as red or blue when we can still say that
they are dark or different. The reason is that the concept, the general
name, is applied far oftener than the special name; its associative
tendencies are therefore both deeper seated and more numerous. We
have a parallel case in the image of p. 266, which slowly loses its
distinctive features and approaches a type; and we have others in the
gradual decay of memory with old age: a grandfather may forget the
names of his grandchildren, but he does not forget that they are ‘boys’
and ‘girls.’
[Illustration]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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