A Biography of Henry Clay, the Senator from Kentucky: Containing Also, a Complete Report of All His Speeches; Selections From His Private Correspondence; Eulogies in the Senate and House; and a Poem, by George D. Prentice, Esq.
History
A Biography of Henry Clay, the Senator from Kentucky: Containing Also, a Complete Report of All His Speeches; Selections From His Private Correspondence; Eulogies in the Senate and House; and a Poem, by George D. Prentice, Esq.
Clay, Henry, 1777-1852; Speeches, addresses, etc., American
In the senate, Mr. Clay met the veto in a becoming manner, and
denounced its absurd doctrines in the most faithful manner. On this
occasion he gave a full _exposé_ of his views respecting it; proving
its spirit at variance with our institutions, and expressed himself
decidedly in favor of permanently limiting its exercise. The most
absurd of its dogmas related to expounding the constitution, which
declared that every public officer might interpret it as he pleased.
This called forth one of Mr. Clay’s most impetuous bursts of eloquence.
‘I conceive,’ said he, ‘with great deference, that the president has
mistaken the purport of the oath to support the constitution of the
United States. No one swears to support it as he understands it, but
to support it simply as it is in truth. All men are bound to obey the
laws――of which the constitution is supreme――but must they obey them as
they understand them, or as they are? If the obligation of obedience is
limited and controlled by the measure of information――in other words,
if the party is bound to obey the constitution only as he understands
it――what would be the consequence? There would be general disorder and
confusion throughout every branch of administration, from the highest
to the lowest offices――_universal nullification_.’
The insinuations and charges of the president led to a rigid
examination of the affairs of the bank, which showed its assets to
exceed its liabilities, by more than _forty millions of dollars_. So
perfectly safe did congress consider the public deposits in its vaults,
that the house passed a vote, of one hundred and nine to forty-six,
expressive of their belief of their safety. Not the shadow of evidence
was adduced, to give the slightest coloring of truth to the assumptions
of the president, or that there was any necessity for augmenting
the ‘_limited powers_’ (as he termed them) _of the secretary of the
treasury over the public money_. But general Jackson had declared
its continuance in the bank dangerous, and he seemed determined on
acting as though it were in fact the case. It was requisite for him
to have some justifying pretext for the arbitrary measure he designed
to adopt, in subverting that noble institution; hence, his hints of
the unconstitutionality and inexpediency of its existence, and the
unsafety of the people’s money in its vaults; but these were now merged
in direct attack. He succeeded in withdrawing from them the public
deposits――an act that spread panic, embarrassment, and unparalleled
distress, through the country, and was the great prolific cause of
causes, of all the evils with which it was subsequently visited. This
act, to all intents and purposes, was the _president’s_, although it
was performed through the instrumentality of Mr. Taney, the secretary
of the treasury, who executed the unconstitutional bidding of the
president, for decidedly refusing to execute which, two previous
secretaries, Messrs. McLane and Duane, he had removed. Indeed, in his
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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