A Collection of State-papers, Relative to the First Acknowledgment of the Sovereignty of the United States of America, and the Reception of Their Minister Plenipotentiary, by Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Netherlands : to Which is Prefixed, the Political Character of John Adams, Ambassador Plenipotentiary from the States of North America, to Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands ... Likewise, an Essay on Canon and Feudal
History
A Collection of State-papers, Relative to the First Acknowledgment of the Sovereignty of the United States of America, and the Reception of Their Minister Plenipotentiary, by Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Netherlands : to Which is Prefixed, the Political Character of John Adams, Ambassador Plenipotentiary from the States of North America, to Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands ... Likewise, an Essay on Canon and Feudal
Law; Netherlands -- Foreign relations -- United States; United States -- Foreign relations -- Netherlands
The consequences of these establishments we see and feel every day.--A
native of America who cannot read and write, is as rare an appearance as
a Jacobite, or a Roman Catholic, i. e. as rare as a comet or an
earthquake.--It has been observed, that we are all of us lawyers,
divines, politicians, and philosophers.--And I have good authorities to
say, that all candid foreigners who have passed through this country,
and conversed freely with all sorts of people here, will allow, that
they have never seen so much knowledge and civility among the common
people in any part or the world.--It is true there has been among us a
party for some years, consisting chiefly, not of the descendants of the
first settlers of this country, but of high churchmen and high
statesmen, imported since, who affect to censure this provision for the
education of our youth as a needless expence, and an imposition upon
the rich in favour of the poor;--and as an institution productive of
idleness and vain speculation among the people, whose time and
attention, it is said, ought to be devoted to labour, and not to public
affairs, or to examination into the conduct of their superiors. And
certain officers of the crown, and certain other missionaries of
ignorance, foppery, servility, and slavery, have been most inclined to
countenance and encrease the same party.--Be it remembered, however,
that liberty must at all hazards be supported. _We have a right to it,
derived from our_ MAKER! But if we had not, our fathers have earned and
bought it for us at the expence of their ease, their estates, their
pleasure, and their blood.--And Liberty cannot be preserved without a
general knowledge among the people, who have a right, from the frame of
their nature, to knowledge, as their great CREATOR, who does nothing in
vain, has given them understandings and a desire to know; but besides
this they have a right, an indisputable, unalienable, indefeasible,
divine right, to that most dreaded and envied kind of knowledge, I mean
of the characters and conduct of their rulers. _Rulers are no more than
attornies, agents, and trustees for the people_: and if the cause, the
interest, and trust are insidiously betrayed, or wantonly trifled away,
the people have a right to revoke the authority that they themselves
have deputed, and to constitute abler and better agents, attornies, and
trustees. And the preservation of the means of knowledge, among the
lowest rank, is of more importance to the public, than all the property
of all the rich men in the country. It is even of more consequence to
the rich themselves, and to their posterity.--The only question is,
whether it is a public emolument? and if it is, the rich ought
undoubtedly to contribute in the same proportion as to all other public
burdens, i. e. in proportion to their wealth, which is secured by public
expences.--But none of the means of information are more sacred, or have
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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