A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. Volume 2, part 3: Andrew Jackson, 1st term
History
A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. Volume 2, part 3: Andrew Jackson, 1st term
Jackson, Andrew, 1767-1845; Presidents -- United States; United States -- History -- Sources; United States -- Politics and government
But this act does not permit competition in the purchase of this
monopoly. It seems to be predicated on the erroneous idea that the
present stockholders have a prescriptive right not only to the favor but
to the bounty of Government. It appears that more than a fourth part of
the stock is held by foreigners and the residue is held by a few hundred
of our own citizens, chiefly of the richest class. For their benefit
does this act exclude the whole American people from competition in the
purchase of this monopoly and dispose of it for many millions less than
it is worth. This seems the less excusable because some of our citizens
not now stockholders petitioned that the door of competition might be
opened, and offered to take a charter on terms much more favorable to
the Government and country.
But this proposition, although made by men whose aggregate wealth is
believed to be equal to all the private stock in the existing bank, has
been set aside, and the bounty of our Government is proposed to be again
bestowed on the few who have been fortunate enough to secure the stock
and at this moment wield the power of the existing institution. I can
not perceive the justice or policy of this course. If our Government
must sell monopolies, it would seem to be its duty to take nothing less
than their full value, and if gratuities must be made once in fifteen or
twenty years let them not be bestowed on the subjects of a foreign
government nor upon a designated and favored class of men in our own
country. It is but justice and good policy, as far as the nature of the
case will admit, to confine our favors to our own fellow citizens, and
let each in his turn enjoy an opportunity to profit by our bounty. In
the bearings of the act before me upon these points I find ample reasons
why it should not become a law.
It has been urged as an argument in favor of rechartering the present
bank that the calling in its loans will produce great embarrassment and
distress. The time allowed to close its concerns is ample, and if it has
been well managed its pressure will be light, and heavy only in case its
management has been bad. If, therefore, it shall produce distress, the
fault will be its own, and it would furnish a reason against renewing a
power which has been so obviously abused. But will there ever be a time
when this reason will be less powerful? To acknowledge its force is to
admit that the bank ought to be perpetual, and as a consequence the
present stockholders and those inheriting their rights as successors be
established a privileged order, clothed both with great political power
and enjoying immense pecuniary advantages from their connection with the
Government.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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