A Critical Analysis of Patriotism As an Ethical Concept: A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 1, 1918Reidenbach, Clarence
Philosophy
A Critical Analysis of Patriotism As an Ethical Concept: A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 1, 1918
Reidenbach, Clarence
Patriotism; Thesis (Ph. D.)
the citizen to rest his patriotism upon. Patriotism is thus left up in
the air.
Now one is not driven to the extreme view of the nation as a “person”
in order to answer the criticisms suggested in the foregoing. That
the state is a “person” is a well-known theory. It is held by those
impressed by the philosophy of Hegel. It is reflected everywhere in the
terms they use. They talk constantly of such things as a “collective
mind” and a “general will.” But the state is not personal in the sense
in which human beings are personal. We expect a person to have a body,
a brain, and a nervous system. A state or nation has none such. But a
thing does not have to be a person in order to be an individual. Not
all individuals are personal. All individuals have inner unity. The
nation has such unity, and it is this which the philosophers feel whose
theory has just been described. They are the “unity philosophers.”
And they feel a unity in a state which they seek to describe in terms
of personality. We all feel the unity. For instance, we assume a
continuity as existent in a country. Even a democratic country must
through successive administrations employ the same policy abroad.
Only we do not feel it necessary to describe the unity in terms of
personality. The conception of organization will serve to explain the
unity we find in the nation. What the organization is like is further
to appear.
An indication that a great people forms a unit is the fact that it is a
growth. The ties that bind the nation together are, in a larger sphere,
very much like those that bind together the family and the tribe. The
ties of kinship were likely the first that bound together associations
of men. Perhaps what first appeared was an undifferentiated horde. But
at least the family must have been the first of any close associations
of men. The great majority of students are united on this point.
McDougall says: “Primitive human society was probably a comparatively
small group of near blood relatives.”[168] Green says, “Every form of
right first appeared within societies founded on kinship, these being
naturally the societies within which the constraining conception of a
common well being is first operative.”[169] Sumner’s words reflect his
view: “The kin tie, which had been the primitive mode of association
and coherence in groups, began to break down in the sixth century,
B. C., in Greece. It was superseded by the social tie of a common
religious faith and ritual. The Pythagorean and Orphic sects developed
this tie.”[170] The religious bond succeeded the kin tie in this case.
The well-knit state or _polis_ seems to have come even later. At any
rate, civil units come later than kin units, and grow out of them. The
Eskimos now have no civil organization outside of the family. But it is
only in backward areas that no larger unit than that of the family has
arisen. A process of integration has been working, and it is a process
which has resulted in nations.
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