A Critical Analysis of Patriotism As an Ethical Concept: A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 1, 1918Reidenbach, Clarence
Philosophy
A Critical Analysis of Patriotism As an Ethical Concept: A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 1, 1918
Reidenbach, Clarence
Patriotism; Thesis (Ph. D.)
until they found themselves in it.”[174] Men did not go about it
deliberately to form a state as represented in the contract theory
of Hobbes, but waked up to find they were in a state which had grown
out of their actions in pursuance of satisfaction for their needs.
The state did not precede man’s political character, but arose out of
it. Men recognized common rights and duties, and the state arose in
their efforts to safeguard and give expression to them. Thus Green
says, “The state, or the sovereign as a characteristic institution of
the state, does not create rights, but gives fuller reality to rights
already existing. It secures and extends the exercise of powers, which
men, influenced in dealing with each other by an idea of common good,
had recognized in each other as capable of direction to that common
good, and had already in a certain measure secured to each other in
consequence of that recognition.”[175]
The maturity of nations has come in the modern period. Likewise
patriotism, in the strong degree in which we know it, is comparatively
modern. The United States, Germany, Italy are modern states. Tribal
loyalty was once the strongest bond. But the tribe settled down to and
came to rule a definite extent of territory. Localized tribes formed
small units of government. The government was not the representative
of the will of the whole people, but expressed the will of the man or
small group of men strong enough to possess the seat of authority.
Gradually government became more representative. In time small states
arose. There were such city-states as Athens. These small states did
not organize all the people of the same race as those under their
jurisdiction. And when they were enlarged by conquest, they were
representative of only a comparatively small group near the seat of
government. All conquests were ruled from the outside and from the
height of superior power. This power became capable of tremendous
extension. The city of Rome became ruler of a large empire. Then ensued
the mediæval period in which the notion of catholicity was dominant,
and in whose political thinking the all-inclusive and sovereign empire
was the ideal. The period of nationalism had not yet come. The empires
of Rome and of Charlemagne were not nations. Their strength depended
not upon the spirit of the whole, but upon the existence of a strong
force at the center. The fact should be noted that the dialectic
toward nationalism has not been in a simple straight line. Sometimes
there have been cases of dissolution on the part of large and strong
integrations of government. But on the whole there is a pretty clear
movement toward larger and larger governmental integrations, and these
integrations have in the main been forced to follow the building up of
peoples. The mediæval empires fell. The papacy became distrusted as a
corrupt and tyrannical foreign power. The bloody chaos of feudalism
became unbearable. The Crusades acquainted men with others who were
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