A Critical Examination of SocialismMallock, W. H. (William Hurrell)
Philosophy
A Critical Examination of Socialism
Mallock, W. H. (William Hurrell)
Communism; Socialism
has been, during the period in question, of the most notorious and
astonishing kind. That class had been progressively absorbing into
itself, and concentrating on the conduct of industry, ambitions,
intelligences, and strong practical wills, which formerly found their
outlets in very different channels--ecclesiastical, political, and more
especially military. Man for man, then, industry became more productive,
because to an increasing degree the ablest men of the nation
concentrated their exceptional powers on directing the business of
production; and any one who wished to push things to an extreme
conclusion might contend that the entire amount--some four or five
hundred per cent.--by which the product per head in the year 1880
exceeded the product per head some two hundred years before, was due to
directive ability, and directive ability only; and that the labourers,
in their capacity of labourers, had no claim whatsoever to it. We will,
however, put the case in a much more moderate form. We will, for
argument's sake, concede to self-directed labour all that increase in
the values produced per head, which took place between the time of
Charles II. and the general establishment in Great Britain of the modern
industrial system, with its huge mills and factories, and its
concomitant differentiation of the directing class from the directed--an
event which had been securely accomplished at the beginning of the
nineteenth century. In making this concession, we shall, indeed, be
defying fact, and ignoring the improvements, alike in manufacture and
agriculture, which had taken place during the hundred years preceding,
especially during the last fifty of them, and which were solely due to
a minority of exceptionally able men.[20] We shall thus be conceding to
the labourer far more than his due. Certainly no one can contend that we
concede too little.
Let us take, then, the beginning of the nineteenth century as our
standing-point; and, assuming that labour was the sole producer then,
compare its productivity per head with the productivity of industrial
effort--of labour and ability combined--some eight or nine decades
later. The labourers of Great Britain as a body, to the exclusion of all
other classes, actually divided among themselves, about the year 1880,
more wealth per head--something like forty-five per cent.--than would
have been theirs if they had lived in the days of their own
grandfathers, and been able to appropriate as wages the income of the
entire country.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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