A Critical Examination of SocialismMallock, W. H. (William Hurrell)
Philosophy
A Critical Examination of Socialism
Mallock, W. H. (William Hurrell)
Communism; Socialism
Now, the curious thing with regard to "X" is that he is all along
assuming this fundamental fact himself; though he utterly fails to put
two and two together, and see how this fact conflicts with the
omnipotence which he ascribes to legislation. Let us go back to the
assertion, which embodies his whole practical argument, that the
majority of the voters in New York State could, without interfering with
the activity of any one of its citizens, limit incomes in any manner
they pleased, and alienate with even greater ease the property of every
man at his death; and let us see what he hastens to say as the sequel to
this oracular utterance.
These powers of the sovereign majority, which he is apparently so
anxious to invoke, would, he says, be practically much less formidable
in their action than timid persons might anticipate. And why should they
be less formidable? "Because," says "X," "although each man, by reason
of his manhood alone, has an equal voice with every other man in making
the laws governing their common country, and regulating the distribution
of the common property ... yet immense and incalculable differences
exist in men's natural capacities for rendering honest service to
society. Encouragement should, therefore, be given to every man to use
all the gifts which he possesses to the fullest extent possible; and,
accordingly, reasonable accumulations and the descent of these should be
respected." They should, he says, be respected. Yes--but for what
reason? Because they encourage exceptional men, whose services are
essential to society, to develop and use their capacities to "the
fullest extent possible"; and this is merely another way of saying that,
without the motive provided by the possibility of accumulation and
bequest, the exceptional faculties would not be developed or used at
all. Moreover, the amounts which may be accumulated and bequeathed,
although they will be strictly limited, must, "X" says, be
considerable. He suggests that incomes should be allowed up to L8,000,
and bequeathable property up to L200,000. And here we come to a question
which is still more pertinent than the preceding. Why must the
permissible amounts of income and of bequeathable property be of
proportions such as those which he contemplates? Why does he not take
his bill and write down quickly L200 of income instead of L8,000, and
limit bequeathable property to L2,000 instead of L200,000? Because he
evidently recognises that the men whose possible services to society are
"immensely and incalculably greater" than those of the majority of their
fellow citizens would not be tempted by a reward which, reduced to its
smallest proportions, would not be very largely in excess of what was
attainable by more ordinary exertions. In his formal statement of his
case, he says that the amount of the reward would be entirely determined
by what _ought_ to be sufficient for the purpose in the estimation of
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account