A Defence of Virginia: And Through Her, of the South, in Recent and Pending Contests Against the Sectional PartyDabney, Robert Lewis
History
A Defence of Virginia: And Through Her, of the South, in Recent and Pending Contests Against the Sectional Party
Dabney, Robert Lewis
Slavery -- Justification; Slavery -- United States; Slavery -- United States -- History; Slavery -- Virginia
The statistics of crime and pauperism reveal results yet more
astounding for our enemies, and triumphant for us. While the free
States had, in 1850, about thirteen and a half millions, including a
few hundreds of thousands of free blacks, and the South about nine and
a half millions of whites and blacks, there were, in that year
(23,664) twenty-three thousand six hundred and sixty-four criminal
convictions in the North, and (2,921) two thousand nine hundred and
twenty-one in the South. The same year, the North was supporting
(114,704) one hundred and fourteen thousand seven hundred and four
paupers; and the South (20,563) twenty thousand five hundred and
sixty-three. One of the most remarkable things is the great excess of
both crime and pauperism in the New England States, "the land of
steady habits," not only as compared with the South, but as compared
with the remainder of the North, except New York. In Boston and its
adjacent county, in Massachusetts, the persons in jails, houses of
correction or refuge, and alms-houses, bore, among the blacks, the
ratio of _one to every sixteen_: and among the whites, of _one to
every thirty-four_. In Richmond, Virginia, the same unhappy classes
bore, among the blacks, the ratio of _one to every forty-six_, and
among the whites, of _one to every one hundred and twelve_. By this
test, then, the white people of Richmond are three times as happy and
moral as the white people of Boston, and the negroes of Richmond have
proportionably one-third less crime than the white people of Boston,
and are nearly three times as moral as the free blacks of that city.
We have thus examined the testimony of facts, as given to us under the
unwilling authority of the Congress of the United States. They show
that, by all the tests recognized among statesmen, slavery has not
made the South less populous, less rich, less moral, less healthy, or
less abundant in the resources of living than its boastful rival, in
proportion to its opportunities. On this evidence of experience we
rest ourselves.
In dismissing this head of our discussion, we would briefly touch two
points. One is the annual production of the industry of the North and
the South. Without burdening the reader with statistical details, it
is sufficient to sum up the annual results of the three great
branches, of agriculture, mining, and manufactures. The North exceeds
the South in proportion to population, in wheat, hay, dairy products,
and manufactures; while the South greatly exceeds the North in the
great staples of Indian corn and tobacco, and surpasses it almost
immeasurably in rice, cotton, and naval stores. Summing up the varied
productions of each section, we find that the industry of the South
is, on the whole, more productive than that of the North, relatively
to its numbers. And of the great commodities which constitute the
basis of foreign commerce, the South yields more than the North, in
about the ratio of four to one!
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