A General View of Positivism: Or, Summary exposition of the System of Thought and LifeComte, Auguste
Philosophy
A General View of Positivism: Or, Summary exposition of the System of Thought and Life
Comte, Auguste
Positivism
For to pretend that any satisfactory system exists at present would
only be a hypocritical subterfuge on the part of the authorities.
The most important step towards freedom of education would be the
suppression of all grants to theological or metaphysical societies,
leaving each man free to support the religion and the system of
instruction which he prefers. This, however, should be carried out in
a just and liberal spirit worthy of the cause, and without the least
taint of personal dislike or party feeling. Full indemnity should be
given to members of Churches or Universities, upon whom these changes
would come unexpectedly. By acting in this spirit it will be far less
difficult to carry out measures which are obviously indicated by the
position in which we stand. As there is now no doctrine which commands
general assent, it would be an act of retrogression to give legal
sanction to any of the old creeds, whatever their former claim to
spiritual ascendancy. It is quite in accordance with the republican
spirit to refuse such sanction, notwithstanding the tendency that there
is to allow ideologists to succeed to the Academic offices held under
the constitutional system by psychologists.
[Order demands
centralization]
But Positivism will have as beneficial an influence on Public
Order as on Liberty. It holds, in exact opposition to revolutionary
prejudices, that the central power should preponderate over the local.
The constitutionalist principle of separating the legislative from
the executive is only an empirical imitation of the larger principle
of separating temporal and spiritual power, which was adopted in the
Middle Ages. There will always be a contest for political supremacy
between the central and local authorities; and it is an error into
which, from various causes, we have fallen recently, to attempt
to balance them against each other. The whole tendency of French
history has been to let the central power preponderate, until it
degenerated and became retrograde towards the end of the seventeenth
century. Our present preference for the local power is therefore an
historical anomaly, which is sure to cease as soon as the fear of
reaction has passed away. And as Republicanism secures us against
any dangers of this kind, our political sympathies will soon resume
their old course. The advantages of the central power are, first,
that it is more directly responsible than the other; and, secondly,
that it is more practical and less likely to set up any claims to
spiritual influence. This last feature is of the highest importance,
and is likely to become every day more marked. Whereas the local or
legislative power, not having its functions clearly defined, is very
apt to interfere in theoretical questions without being in any sense
qualified for doing so. Its preponderance would, then, in most cases be
injurious to intellectual freedom, which, as it feels instinctively,
will ultimately result in the rise of a spiritual authority destined
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